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The missing link of democratization

Boutros Boutros-Ghali, 9 - 06 - 2009
A direct democratic connection between the world's citizens and the world's governance needs to be created. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the former UN Secretary General, calls for a global parliamentary assembly

Over the past decades, democracy has spread continuously throughout the world. Sixty years ago, after the Second World War, a third of the world population lived in countries with democratic systems of government. Until today, the number has almost doubled. International polls show that a large majority of people in all world regions consider democracy to be the best system of government. This gratifying development should not divert our attention from the structural crisis democracy is facing in the wake of globalization.

The challenges of our time are enormous. Problems which can only be solved effectively at the global level are multiplying. The requirement of political governance is increasingly extending beyond state borders. Climate change, environmental devastation, social disparity, terrorism, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, population growth and the growing shortage of fresh water and basic foods are just a few of the pressing issues. Yet, the current economic crisis is at the top of the agenda. The global economic slowdown and price disruptions magnify the impacts of the other problems. In this globalized world, no country or individual will be left untouched by its consequences.

The last time an economic crisis of such magnitude occurred, it led to the rise of dreadful anti-democratic trends and social upheaval. It contributed to the rise of fascism, the outbreak of the Second World War and genocide. During the current global economic crisis, we should not turn a blind eye to this lesson. Boutros Boutros-Ghali is President of the Egyptian National Council of Human Rights and former Secretary General of the United Nations (1992-1996)

Thus, while world leaders ponder governance reforms now, they must not lose sight of the importance of strengthening democracy. Measures to sustain the stability of the financial system and to absorb the immediate shocks of the crisis are, of course, in focus. However, the crisis should also be used as an opportunity to address a largely ignored aspect of democratization: Democracy within the state will diminish in importance if the process of democratization is not extended to the system of international governance as well. Applying democratic principles to international institutions must be an essential component of any reform of global governance. It was overdue to include the emerging powers from the South in major international deliberations as signified by the last G-20 meetings in Washington D.C. and London.

However, what I am referring to is not international democracy among states. The reform of the Security Council, for example, has kept legions of diplomats busy over the past decades. By contrast to this, however, a third dimension of democratization is almost completely neglected: Developing global democracy beyond states.

This project includes the task of giving the world's citizens a more direct say in global affairs. A direct link between global institutions and the people on the spot needs to be established. But how could such a project of global democratization be approached?

One indispensable means to this end is the establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly. A growing international movement advocating this goal has gained impressive political support over the last years. The endorsers of the proposal include the European Parliament, the Pan-African Parliament, the Latin American Parliament, the Senate of Argentina and over 700 members of parliament from around the world.

A United Nations Parliamentary Assembly - a global body of elected representatives - could invigorate our institutions of global governance with unprecedented democratic legitimacy, transparency, and accountability. Initially, the assembly could have a largely consultative function. Over time its authority and powers could evolve. It could be complementary to the UN General Assembly and its establishment, in the first step at least, would not require a cumbersome reform of the UN Charter. President Barack Obama recently stated that the absence of oversight is one of the major problems we are facing with regard to the international financial system. A global parliamentary assembly could play an important role in exercising genuine and independent oversight over the global system's array of institutions.

On the economic front, a Parliamentary Assembly at the UN could facilitate the alignment of the Washington-based Bretton Woods Institutions and the World Trade Organization with the policies of the UN, in particular the Millennium Development Goals. The assembly could monitor the impact of the policies of the international financial and economic institutions in fields such as sustainable development, food security, education, public health, human rights and the eradication of extreme poverty. 

Establishing a global parliamentary body, of course, is a complex matter. One of the most frequent arguments brought forward against the proposal asserts that such an assembly would be dominated by a majority of delegates from large countries, many of them undemocratic ones to boot. Due to the impressive expansion of democracy in the world, however, this is no longer true. Quite on the contrary, a UN Parliamentary Assembly could be a strong tool to support national democratization. After all, it would allow minorities and opposition forces to be represented.

Citizens expect a response to the financial crisis which goes beyond simply restoring the financial viability and profits of the banking and securities sectors. They want a system which is more responsive to the needs and concerns of ordinary people. What more meaningful way to facilitate this than by establishing a direct, democratic connection between the world's citizens and the world's governance through a global parliamentary assembly?

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Not logged in Lawrence Efana (not verified) said:



Wed, 2009-06-10 16:57

Boutros Boutros-Ghali and 'englishman said' above have it right. It's hard to dismiss arguments of the first: that global democracy in theory and practice is not facing new structural crisis and that problems to solve effectively at global level are not multiplying. So too with the European Union a vibrant sample of the type of governance sort or implicit in former UN Secretary General's paper, it seems sheer idea of global-level move in EU-direction could make anyone pessimistic. The latter is a matter of single sample-solution perspective of a problem not representative enough of the scale of the overall scope of problems configured.

Question: at above levels, aren't we left to continue with debates about a way or ways out? Interests in the ideas of a world government have been with us. Its debates are lame sometimes, but at other times something dramatic adds a new lease of life. The global world we are in today is not same as before. Parallel to the good in terms of progress made, negative characters of the new global world frighteningly, if consensus is mustered include complex realities of [good] governance as a problems, threats of environment, climate, poverty, terrorism, and proliferation of deadly weapons capped by population growth, water shortage problem, hunger problem, health pandemics, drug resistance, insurgence and conflicts, and unusually severe economic and financial downturns. Are their global consequences enough or not to spur a search for new ideas, collective engagement to argue and invent solutions in ways different and able to puff-up selected 'bests' of the current operating models?

EU is no-lesser reality sample in above terms. Yet the Secretary General might sound a utopia, but no mismatch, because of human ingenuity to invent or create and or innovate. Keywords are many in this paper, with 'reform' - relative to rest of them, at least in global structural-setting good governance context. Picking reform is buttressed by 'style and elements' of, should I say, emerging arguments for the theme "Transforming Government for the 21st Century: an initiated project base, abbreviated 'PNSR', (more in http://www.pnsr/web/page/610/sectionid/578/pagelevel/3/interio..) Here the EU-dimension argument is single and analogy, thinking of global contexts of Boutros-Ghali's... So too PNSR, a single sample: equally an analogy, for the sake of its logic, seeks to change character of the 'structural': if for no other reasons but many current threats of equally changing dimensions to the 'global'. PNSR advocates putting ideas before the new US President, look beyond the power and boundary of the nation state, if some menaces of intelligence failures must be avoided, which underlies crave to redefine National Security as a goal. Reform challenge becomes a theme and for that sake leaves nothing out, from the point of the experiences and lessons of history. Boutros-Ghali is analogically not arguing anything different. Factors threatening global world today to occasion new calls for a new form of global governance at the UN-level are the same as those PNSR designers see as key threats of our time calling for integrated approach: that in which the structures-institutions and functions would have to be reformed. Thus human ingenuity is flexible, open and welcoming: not blindly close and dictatorial or let itself bugged down by one sample experience: itself undergoing transformation all the same!

With all due respect for likelihood of its "truth-value" world governance and global parliament: for pains of the nation and regional-level experiences sound much far-fetched and frightening. So too is chaos of 'mob' or 'direct' democracy in their limited or larger forms. From both UN and Bretton Woods' perspectives the G20 is no bad mark. If anything is said to deter the world and its governance process, they are post-UN General Assembly issues, which spill often into its Security Council: its exclusive club], one might argue thinks less of the fate of the world as a whole, except own disparate strategic interests. The member countries though now shifting from time to time, do not seem to really care a dam about usefulness of consensus and minimum use of the so-called 'veto' rights, most of which send out frustrating signal wave rings to the world. Boutros-Ghali refers to oversight absence. Thinking such could be avoided, he uses current lessons of the economic and financial meltdowns to implicitly reason roles of regulation against deregulation. It truly rocks the brain to try to come to grip with all and make sense with the peaceful and prosperous world: what is wanted whether we operate as nations or regional unions still within an apex: the United Nations! Should you all agree to a little man's reappraisal of global burdens, then join to keep the debate and discourse alive and not to frustrate the medium or processes enabling people to do so.

englishman said:



Tue, 2009-06-09 12:18

Some of the many likely problems associated with a UN Parliamentary Assembly are already present in the the EU as discussed in articles and responses "The European Pariament: What's the Point" and "The European Parliament's Future". A main one being how to give such a body any genuine authority without a mechanism and incentive to garner respect from the member states. Local politicians will have little desire to give power away and have the ability, aided by a population fed by nationalistic views, to claim successes for themselves and to blame any such body for all ills that befall their state.

Whilst a noble idea for the future, I fear that it is likely to be impractical for some time. We have a world today where the vast majority are economically poor and not well educated. It may be a desire to distribute wealth and power more evenly, but the wealthy and powerful are not going to agree to such a move being forced upon them, however subtle the attempt. Democracy only works with a well informed populace and this is clearly not the case - even in the developed world. There would be the real danger of a dictatorship of the majority (not even of the proletariat, where at least they were defined as the wealth producers). There needs to be a far greater equalisation of wealth and political ideas before such a system would even be considered.

 

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