While there are certainly gendered imbalances in the actual structures of current sex markets, these imbalances are created, reinforced and strengthened not by sex work itself but by laws criminalizing sex work and by treating sex workers as second-class citizens without rights.
movement developed in the two countries at about the same time, in the late nineteenth
century, gathering momentum in a campaign for Home Rule in the years leading up
to World War I, only to be stalled by the outbreak of war.
It has become a cliché to compare the passivity of the Irish in the face of the Troika’s brutal austerity programme with the active resistance of the Spanish or the Greek. Yet, the Irish are challenging austerity in their own way.
Coming together can make it possible to live more and work
less. Doing things collectively is the only way we can be free from the
obligation to work so hard as self-exploiting individuals. This is not
primarily a question of politics or protest.
positive legislative change will hopefully encourage more Irish women into
political life, but the laddish, sexist political culture which remains in the
Dail must change if gender parity is to be fully achieved, argues Louise Hogan.
The states in greatest difficulty since 2008 have been those most
closely wedded to neoliberalism and accommodating to the needs of transnational
capital. One hundred years on from the Dublin Lockout, many in Ireland are
still ‘locked out’ from public economic decision-making.
The death of Savita Halappanavar
lifted the lid on the church, the state, and women's reproductive rights in the Republic
of Ireland, and has been the catalyst for the new legislation on the rights of
pregnant women proposed last week.
Judith Butler pursues a similar path to Hannah Arendt in her
recent book Parting
Ways: Jewishness and the Critique of Zionism– making a series of
revised and extended contributions to the debate on Israeli state violence and
settler colonialism, in such a way that a flash of light may shine through the histories
and the memories.
Anyone familiar with the story of language in Elizabethan
Ireland can only feel impatience – if not despair – at the latter-day
triumphalism of works like Melvyn Bragg’s best-selling The
Adventure of English.
Postcolonial nationalism is a strange phenomenon. Brought up to
despise everything British (as Jonathan Swift put it two centuries earlier,
‘burn everything English except their coal’), we were also imbued with a
sneaking suspicion that British was somehow better.
Complexity needs a voice (this
also applies to newer emigrant groups on both islands). Politics and
autobiography, politics and culture, can drift too far apart. Gaps in the
public discourse of the UK and the Irish Republic allow ethnic assertion to punch
above its weight. And then there is poetry. ( 5,000 words)
choice, most people prefer a decent life to national or ethnic purity. Given a
choice, most people like to get on with their neighbours, to fit in with their
communities, to carry on with the business of going to work and raising a
family and hoping for the best.
In which we are introduced
to excerpts from the transcript of a memorable programme on Queen Elizabeth II’s visit to
Ireland in May 2011, presented by Joseph O'Connor, produced by Rachel Hooper,
for BBC Radio 4.
The latest in a series of official inquiries exposes the extent of corruption in Ireland’s political elite during the long years of rule by the country’s Fianna Fáil party. These tribunals portray a world of moral as well as financial bankruptcy whose roots were planted well before the boom years, says the leading historian Diarmaid Ferriter.