open Democracy News Analysis - English nationalism still a mood not a movement, Tom Griffin - Comments

danny boy on "English nationalism still a mood not a movement"

danny boy — Thu, 24 Jul 2008 13:37:22 +0000

Aughey's description of the Tories shift from a maximalist to a minimalist position on the West Lothian question is reminiscent of their earlier behaviour towards the growing demands for home rule in Scotland from the 1970s through to 199

Heath's support for a Scottish Assembly gave way to an immobilist defence of the status quo under Thatcher. Tellingly this was justified as necessary in order not to undermine the union. Major was still continuing this line in the 1992 'defence of the union' election campaign against Labour’s commitment to bring in devolution.

Clarke's report is entirely consistent with this tradition. Various innocuous concessions were made during the 80s and early 90s, such as having the Scottish Grand Committee meetings in Edinburgh, toning down Thatcherite policies in Scotland, returning the Stone of Destiny, etc. but all were cosmetic, in that they gave the impression of responding without changing anything of substance.

The Tories, more so than Labour, seem to have an instinctive understanding of how central to keeping the disparate parts of the British state together is the lowering of expectations in relation to constitutional change combined with mechanisms to make such things seem technical and uninspiring. This has been traditionally accompanied with claims that what the man or woman in the street is more interested in the state of the economy.

Displaying the typical cynicism that accompanies such an approach, Aughey says the impassion the Task Force report gives is that the inconsistencies and difficult areas will basically all be put to bed by a comfortable Tory election victory.

Cameron's latest move of entering into negotiations with the UUP shows a nuancing rather than a departure from the above. The Tories appear to be going on the offensive in terms of their commitment to a reinvigorated union. This seems likely to involve minimal change at the centre with a fresh emphasis on the sovereignty of parliament, the appearance of being very reasonable and respectful of the sensibilities of the Welsh, Scottish and Northern Irish [with possible a new federal internal party structure] while skilfully manoeuvring the SNP into appearing unreasonable and extreme.

Alex Buchan

britologywatch on "English nationalism still a mood not a movement"

britologywatch — Sun, 20 Jul 2008 07:27:39 +0000

As Ken Clarke's 'answer' to the English Question - more strictly, the West Lothian Question - is a complete non-answer, I can't see that it will do anything to prevent the 'mood' of English nationalism turning into either a bad mood or a positive movement. By which, I mean that it would be far better for it to become a full-scale political movement, with cross-party support (since it speaks to many conservative, liberal and progressive concerns), than for politicians to let the anger brew and for more extreme forces to reap the benefit.

The unity of the Union will not be well served by a unionist Conservative government whose parliamentary majority is entirely based on English votes; which seeks to reduce the role of Scottish and Welsh MPs, and lessen those countries' Barnett privileges; and who has said on numerous occasions that he doesn't want to be a Prime Minister for England, although that will be effectively what he is.

English nationalism still a mood not a movement, Tom Griffin

Tom Griffin — Sun, 20 Jul 2008 06:00:00 +0000

Tom Griffin (London, The Green Ribbon): In the latest edition of Parliamentary Brief, Arthur Aughey looks at how Ken Clarke's Democracy Task Force has attempted to answer the English Question. Although sceptical on the details, he suggests that Clarke's approach reflects distinctive conservative principles that may point the way to a solution.

English nationalism is still a mood, not a movement, if only because the Conservative Party refuses to mobilise it as such. The taskforce’s objective is to prevent that mood becoming a movement, confirming the Unionism of the Conservative Party, something David Cameron has taken every opportunity to confirm since becoming leader.

If the report becomes party policy, which seems very likely, then the trajectory of Conservative thinking on the ‘English Question’ since 1997 is from constitutional maximalism to constitutional minimalism. It has gone from tentative support for an English parliament, through ‘English votes on English laws’ and Sir Malcolm Rifkind’s idea of an English grand committee,to this taskforce’s present recommendation of certified English bills being considered and voted on by English MPs only in committee and at the report stage.