The oD Today blog groaned with fierce debate about whether the prime minister should be forced from office after being recorded admitting to a party meeting that he had lied to the electorate. "Ferenc Gyurcsány dirty pig kommunistic dictator!" screeched one poster; "Gyurcsány ... is our last chance, the guarantee for better life," retorted another; "please be so generous to help me a little financially to pay my gas bill," pleaded a third.

As demonstrations demanding Gyurscány's resignation - attended by a melange of affronted citizens, conservatives and hooligans - turned violent, the Bad Democracy award was being roundly traduced in sections of the Hungarian press, obliging our ranks of telegenic spokespeople to appear on Hungarian news bulletins to fight our corner.

One Budapest correspondent observed: "Hungarians take it very seriously when a foreign organisation with a very serious-sounding title makes a pronouncement about Hungary or a prominent Hungarian.

"Politics here is a zero-sum game - even more so than in most western democracies - and these things get seized upon."

Over four weeks, well over 3 million votes were cast, split roughly equally between the embattled premier and the Thai general (Sonthi Boonyaratkalin) who led the bloodless coup on 19 September. The vast majority were of Hungarian origin.

Our technicians detected an overwhelming stench of foul play - a handful of addresses had bombarded the poll.

Who, then, should be named as the twelfth and final candidate to go forward to our Bad Democrat of the Year award?

Faced with similar electoral impasses in recent years, authorities across the globe have resorted to some pretty ingenious political manoeuvres - hanging chads in Florida, unholy coalitions in Poland, cannibalism in Congo.

While the latter option was briefly mooted, there can only be one outcome. As the machinations of our unknown saboteurs forced voting to be suspended, we have no choice but to declare the result void.

Gyurcsány was undoubtedly a worthy candidate and was marginally ahead before the polling system came crashing down. The vitriol his nomination unleashed forms a small part of the debate that is tearing at the fabric of Hungary, where the growing pains of a young democracy are exacerbated by old wounds inflicted under Soviet rule.

That leaves a hole in the list of rogues, chosen by our readers over the past year, from which you will in December be able to select the year's most heinous autocrat. The gap will be filled by a wild-card, by which we mean the candidate whose nomination is accompanied by the most compelling argument (or the largest donation to openDemocracy's Swiss bank account).