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Artistic freedoms under attack in Britain


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Britain is not exactly a 'police state' as some on the left of politics would like to suggest - indeed, I would argue that such propositions say far more about the people who espouse it, than it does about the state of freedom in contemporary Britain. However, when it comes to evaluating the extent of artistic freedom in Britain today, the charge of 'police state' is not entirely that wide of the mark.

Witness the treatment of Samina Malik at the hands of the British state - a second-rate Muslim poet (ok, I wouldn't like to massage Samina's ego), third-rate Muslim poet, who's only crime was to write terribly bad poems. Salmina, a 23 year old Londoner, aka the 'Lyrical Terrorist', wept openly when the jury at the Old Bailey found her guilty of 'possessing records likely to be used for terrorism', or in other words - her poems and a Mujahideen handbook.

It's true that Malik was a bit of an idiot with some far fetched nihilistic fantasies, but since when has it become a crime to be a wannabe nihilistic weirdy-beardy pin-up poster girl, with hateful thoughts and some seriously dodgy poems? To all intents and purposes, Malik was found guilty of harbouring some sick ideas, and some really bad poems. To lock someone up and waste the time of the Old Bailey just because we don't like someone poems is far more dangerous than anything that Samina Malik could have thought of.

The attacks on artistic freedom in Britain goes much deeper than the case of Samina Malik and her 'dangerous' poems - over in petty authoritarian Brighton, the the powers that be are planning on banning any art exhibition, or revoking the licence of any music venue that exhibits or performs any work of art or piece of music that might provoke 'racist, homophobic or sectarian violence'. Failure to comply with the councils policy could lead to the closure of any art or music venue. Such draconian decrees are reminicent of the worst days of East Germany under Stalinist type dictators, it's the thin edge of a very ugly anti-freedom wedge.

In the name of protecting minorities, Brighton's licensing policy has become the cutting edge of the assault on artistic freedom. Brighton councils intentions may be good, but the consequences and long-term implications in interfering with the arts and artists are much more frightening. The council are effectively saying to artists that there are certain things you cannot express in your art, and if you want to exhibit or perform in Brighton you will need the councils nod of moral approval, or else.

I'm very much in agreement with the political journalist Brendan O’Neill, who rightfully argues that 'Brighton is doing so much more than simply messing about with its licensing laws: it is using its power to define what is socially responsible art, and to circumscribe the artistic imagination itself'. Indeed, some of the perverse consequences of the councils licensing laws are spreading further than Brighton's galleries, bars and clubs - now libraries, music shops and radio stations are coming under anti-freedom attacks.

The biggest lie we are constantly being told here is that there is apparently a very thin line between what artists say or think, and what other people might do as a consequence of being exposed to such thoughts or ideas. On the contrary, that line is very thick, and Brighton council, and the high courts of Old Bailey have no right policing the publics taste of what is or what is not appropriate or acceptable art, music or poetry. I'll leave the last words to an artist and poet who really understood what freedom and art are all about, Victor Hugo, who argued that 'freedom in art, freedom in society this is the double goal towards which all consistent and logical minds must strive'.



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Interesting subject

These are good points you raise. I generally agree that we should strive, as a society, to enable as much freedom of expression as possible. But the key is in the word "strive". There is always a line to be drawn and it is up to a democratic society to decide where that line is to be drawn. This is usually via our elected representatives and the people they, in turn and indiectly, employ to exercise our will in these matters.

I agree that Samina Malik was just silly, so someone should use judgement and common sense, but then what about someone promoting hatred of another group and then seriously suggesting the means of taking action against them; how to make bombs for example? Of course this stuff actually doesn't matter much if few are actually interested. You can find it on the web anyway if you search long enough. The problem arises when significant numbers of people are inspired to take note of such propaganda then some action is required. So, although this may seem wrong to some, judgements of what is right or wrong, as judged by the law, are more a function of the effect on society (balanced against individual freedom) than on any absolute moral judgement of what is actually written or said.

I am sure that if someone started a website that promoted ripping the legs off cats, no legal action would be (or probably could be) taken. But if there was an epidemic of cat-harming with large numbers of people involved, then a law may well be passed to prevent incitement to this offence. I think this is where we are with these current incitement laws.

It would also be wrong to think that laws are ineffective in changing people's views rather than simply suppressing them. When the laws came out making it an offence to not wear a seatbelt in a car it was also called a restriction on freedom of choice. But nowadays I think there are very few people who would consider not wearing a seatbelt, even without such a law (there are some, but not many). People have become used to the idea and do not think it an imposition. I also think the race relations laws helped to reduce racial prejudice. By suppressing the open abuse, most people now find such abuse completely unacceptable and are less prone now to racial steriotyping. It is still there, but nothing like as bad as it was. Without the backing of the law such change would have taken much longer and may not have occurred at all.

There are many examples but all this works because, for the most part, people respect the law. If the law becomes too strict or is used without judgement, as in the Malik case, it can lose such respect. The law has to follow the will of the people, tempered by common sense in interpretation. Such laws should never be introduced lightly which is where I sense there is a danger, but unfortunately, I can't see a way to avoid the necessity of such laws whilst there are significant groups of people who seem so vulnerable to pursuasion to commit illegal acts against others.




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Trying to find a point of dis-agreement

As usual, I agree with most of your well thought-out sentiments.

I particularly agree with your idea that 'laws should never be introduced lightly', which is where we appear to be today. Laws aimed at religious and racial hatred are full of good intentions, but they nevertheless, end up being monumentally illiberal when a person is imprisoned for what they say or write - that will always be a serious backward step in mine eye.



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