Brief background
Georgia came into being (again) after the collapse of the Soviet
Union in 1991.
The states of South Ossetia and Abkhazia gained de facto independence
after the 1991-2 war, although their independence is not formally recognised in
the UN.
The majority of South Ossetians are ethnically distinct from Georgians and identify with the
people of North Ossetia. A referendum in 2006 (turnout 95%) is reported as
resulting in 99% endorsement for de facto independence. More than half
of South Ossetians are reported to have chosen a Russian passport.
Abkhazia is ethnically mixed, with only 28% Georgians.
Initiation
At present the Georgians and Ossetians accuses each other of
initiating the conflict: what is clear
that rapid escalation is taking place, and that civilians are dying and being
displaced in significant numbers.
Strategic Factors
There is an oil pipeline running through Georgia, conducting
oil from Asian wells to Europe.
The Georgian leadership has aspirations to join the EU and
NATO, which have been encouraged by those organisations.
Russia has an historical fear of encirclement, and is
opposed to having NATO bases in Georgia as well as in the Czech Republic and
Poland.
Separatist aspiration lies behind one in three of the present
conflicts happening in the world in 2008.
Implications for Policy
1
We join the calls for ceasefire and negotiations for a just
and stable peace.
2
We note again the presence of an oil interest in an area of
conflict, which underlines the urgent necessity of breaking our economies from
dependence on oil.
3
We note with regret that the expansionist policies of NATO are
one of the contributing factors.
4
We reaffirm that the will of the people is the basis of
democracy, and if it is clearly the will of the people that they should be
independent from their present state, or transfer to a different state, this
will should be allowed to be developed in a peaceful and orderly way.
5
We call on the UN to address the problem of separatism from a
systemic point of view and to draw up a legal and political framework that will
enable secessions to be negotiated peacefully.
Annexe - dealing with separatism in a rational way.
In 2008 there are some 36 wars and conflicts taking place on the planet. Their
causes are, roughly speaking: Separatist 14, Ideology 7, Dictator/political 9,
War on Terror 5, Corporations 2, Drugs 2, Warlordism 2, Ethnic/tribal 2.
Prevention is better than cure. At least two of the classes of conflicts - separatism and
dictators- given above are susceptible to UN action.
The development of dictators can be inhibited and remedied by means of the Index of
Human Rights in the UN, whereby countries that are sliding towards dictatorship
can be identified, exposed, and subjected to a set protocol of statutory
measures.
Approximately one third of current wars are “separatist”, arising from the desire of a group
of people to be independent of, or to have autonomy within, the state that they
are currently ruled by. These account for more than one in three of current
conflicts and wars.
Since separatism provides the pretext of such a significant causes of conflict, it
deserves detailed historical and political study. What is the outcome of these
movements? Are they on the increase? Wikipedia lists no less than 113
separatist movements worldwide. Are they all destined to turn into armed
struggles?
Clausewitz' famous aphorism was that “War is the continuation of politics by other means”.
This should be now updated to “War is the continuation of politics by
irrational and inhumane means”, but whatever form of words is used, it is clear
that politicians have a duty to agree some rules and protocols on separatism.
Democracy should have a bearing on the matter. If it is truly the will of the people of a
region that they should not be governed by their present rulers, then
politicians should give attention to their desires. Each case will have its
unique features, but these also are capable of being classified. Several
questions need to be asked.
Does the majority of the people truly seek independence or autonomy, or is it simply
the desire of an unrepresentative political group? This question can be
answered by referendum. In a repressive
state, the people might be able to petition the UN, or a regional body such as
the OSCE, directly to indicate their wishes.
Is the separate state economically capable of looking after itself? This can be a
matter for study, but in principle any people that afford to go to war can
surely afford to look after themselves in peacetime, given that war is such a
ruinously expensive business. It is sometimes the case that the secessionist
state is sitting on some natural resources that the main state wishes to enjoy.
For instance, Scotland was only granted its own assembly when its oil fields
had been substantially exploited.
Can the state defend itself? This question again contains its own answer in the
case of secessionist conflicts. Guarantees can be given by neighbouring states,
as in the case of Andorra, although this is an ambivalent state of affairs,
since the guaranteeing state is likely to be the state from which independence
is sought.
Can the new state rule itself? There are many options that lie between full
integration with a larger state and full independence. Regional assemblies,
cultural autonomy, and cantonisation are some of the options available.
These are all matters susceptible to study, discussion and negotiation. The
negotiations may well be difficult and protracted, but talk is always
preferable in human and financial terms than violent conflict. In the end, it
is in the interests of the main state to agree a degree of autonomy rather than
to wage a war that results in the end with alienation of territory and people.
There is clearly a case for the United Nations to set
up a framework for discussion and resolution of separatist aspiration, and also
to provide diplomatic and logistical help both for areas where separatist
conflict is ongoing, and where there is a clear separatist sentiment that has
not yet turned to violence.