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Hizb's actual policies


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Journalists are now being directed to the blog site Harry's Place for a starting point on learning about Hizb's racist and totalitarian views and how they hide them from the public at large. This is part of Hizb's method of operation. They push their Islamic rule and anti-Jewish positions only up to certain limits in public. But after attracting people to it, they Hizb militants talk in more extremist terms one-on-one with people they think will be interested. The British National Party (BNP) operates in a similar way, only with anti-black and anti-immigration views instead of Islamic law and anti-Jew positions. In the case of Nizb'ut Tahrir, they move into terrorism and pipeline prospective suicide bombers through their system to the trainers and groomers who will kit them out with a bomb and fantasies of Paradise. Just taking what they are willing to say in public, as a letter to the Guardian said, "Hizb may not encourage immediate violence, but it certainly creates an ideology that must inevitably lead to it. It expressly argues that offensive jihad is a duty for Muslims, it derides democracy as a western evil, rejects interfaith dialogue as a conspiracy against Islam, describes compromise as un-Islamic, advocates an all-or-nothing solution to conflicts, speaks of the inevitably of a clash of civilisations, justifies the execution of apostates, recommends war against Jews, Christians and polytheists until the world is a single Islamic state, and says that "a bloody struggle [will continue] alongside the intellectual struggle". Is it so hard to see how a young radical might move from their extremism to acts of violence?"


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Re: Hizb's actual policies
This comments section really sucks technically. You people need a new webmaster.



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Re: Hizb's actual policies
jgolblado, Thanks for your comments. We are aware that there are glitches in the forum technology and I am in the process of preparing a forum upgrade at the moment. Unfortunately, we are constrained by limited time and resources, so we can't improve everything overnight. In the interim, your patience is much appreciated. Please note that this version of Jive does not support the type of html code you have been using, but it will convert urls into clickable links. Best wishes, Sarah (-forum moderator) BTW, you might be interested in Huda Jawad's reply to Abdul Wahid, at http://www.opendemocracy.net/conflict-terrorism/muslim_experience_2743.jsp



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Re: Hizb's actual policies
I've read the article, and Huda Jawad's reply. I am not in favour of banning Hizb, but I do think that it is important to get to grip with their actual policies. They're quite open about them on their site, although they have recently removed their openly racist material. The point about Hizb is not - as your second article suggests - that they are rude and abrupt on university campuses. It is that they are pushing a totalitarian politics which is every bit as dangerous as European fascist movements. And, what makes it worse, they are running a PR campaign which systematically misrepresents their absolutist theocratic and racist politics. To get somebody to counter their arguments who is not familiar - by her own admission - with their ideology is no way to combat them. It is also worth adding that their views are not - according to the recent MORI/BBC poll - shared by the overwhelming majority of British muslims. I know that Hizb provide good copy, and they're increasingly media friendly: but you'd never have Nick Griffin here talking in an anodine fashion about how they were opposed to the EU Consitution or the war in Iraq, or any of their other "mainstream" views. You'd have a genuine anti-fascist to challenge and expose them. The same approach should apply to Hizb ut-Tahrir. Have a look at their Constitution, and then read Wahid's article again. Yes, they're not nihilists. They're not psychopaths. Rather, they have a complicated and legalistic programme for creating a state in which apostates are executed, non-Muslims have extremely limited rights to protest ill treatment, and in which only parties which they believe conform to an Islamic ideal are allowed to organise. If you're going to carry articles by these besuited clerical fascists, please put up an article by somebody who can take their arguments on, one by one, and expose their facade of reasonableness for what it really is.



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Re: Hizb's actual policies
Davidt.harryblog, “The point about Hizb is not - as your second article suggests - that they are rude and abrupt on university campuses. It is that they are pushing a totalitarian politics which is every bit as dangerous as European fascist movements. And, what makes it worse, they are running a PR campaign which systematically misrepresents their absolutist theocratic and racist politics… To get somebody to counter their arguments who is not familiar - by her own admission - with their ideology is no way to combat them…” Amen to that. Unfortunately, Open Democracy has made this mistake before, most notably when Rosemary Bechler interviewed Tariq Ramadan. Unfortunately, Ms Bechler seemed unaware of Ramadan’s numerous recorded ‘lectures’ aimed at hard-line Muslim audiences, almost all of which starkly contradict the reassuring (and rather ill-defined) noises made in the presence of Western journalists. It’s unclear whether Ramadan’s incoherence is simply a matter of careerist duplicity – of saying what each audience wants to hear – or of something more sinister. Either way, it seems wise to bear in mind that no other major theology has codified and sanctioned the use of dissimulation to such a remarkable degree. And, as you say, a similar lack of critical testing would be unlikely if the subject were the BNP or Stormfront. This double standard, which currently can be found throughout much of the left-leaning media, seems based in part on a misplaced sentimentalism, a fear of causing 'offence', and a default bias towards the perceived underdog. Any facts which do not suit this underdog role-play (or some anti-Bush agenda) are generally ignored. But accepting at face value a conclusion which suits one’s own preferences seems unwise and rather vain. It is, however, common practice, even here. As to whether or not members of Hizb ut-Tahrir are “psychopaths”, this is open to debate. Certainly, Hizb is popular among egotists who are in denial about their condition and who wish to surrender their existential birthright to some undifferentiated ego-mass. Such is the dilemma of those who hate the world and want to suppress its possibilities, but are terrified of those desires being seen for what they are. A more detailed excavation of these issues can be found here.



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Re: Hizb's actual policies
David Thompson: Interesting thread. It does illustrate the point you're making well. There are, I think, really two dimensions to this issue. The first is that - for want of a better term - communal politics is now defined in terms of religion rather than ethnicity. The effect of this shift is that the megaphone is handed to clerics. I know people from muslim backgrounds who don't participate, or haven't until recently, participated in this argument because they don't regard themselves as primarily or "speaking for" muslims, or because they don't feel qualified to engage in a political debate which is held in religious terms. The second issue is the collapse of the left, which seems to have lost its anti-fascist bearings. What makes it particularly odd is that the left has a long tradition of anti-clericalism. There are two aspect to this. - The strange alliance between pretty hardline Islamists and revolutionary socialists: I'm thinking of the formal MAB/Muslim Brotherhood-SWP coalition. - The blindness of the non-revolutionary left to the racism and totalitarian beliefs of Islamist political movements. The first is explicable as an alliance of convenience only. The SWP theoretician, Chris Harman, in The Prophet and the Proletariat (http://pubs.socialistreviewindex.org.uk/isj64/harman.htm) suggests that the purpose of the alliance is to join forces on "anti-imperialist" issues and to recruit Islamists to revolutionary socialism. The second phenomenon is stranger. I can't think of any reason why liberals are so quick to excuse and explain away racist and totalitarian beliefs held by Islamists. Perhaps they think that they're defending minorities against racist attacks disguised as criticism of religious-political beliefs. Perhaps it is a form or Orientalism, that holds that muslims can't really be expected to respect basic democratic and human rights standards. I think the real explanation is laziness: there just hasn't been any proper critical thinking about the politics of the religious far right. As a footnote, there is a version of the argument which suggests that the growth of fundamentalism is all the fault of the United States, either because of US support for Islamists against the USSR, or because muslims have somehow been driven mad by US perpetrated injustices, and so on. This argument seems to me to be the most absurd of all. It assumes that Islamist movements have not been significantly self-directed, which is not true. It also assumes that - even if it were true - this prevents those of us on the left from criticising a theocratic totalitarian politics.



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Re: Hizb's actual policies
Davidt.harryblog, Quite. It’s hard to avoid the impression that much of the left - particularly the Socialist Workers Party, The Guardian, Ken Livingstone and George Galloway - are doing a great disservice to the hopes of Muslim reformers, many of whom know all too well what Islamic fundamentalism entails. Realistic criticism of Islamic theology is routinely demonised as “Islamophobic” or “too sensitive” to discuss, which inevitably narrows what can be resolved, or at least defended against. It seems that religious bigotry can be excused, at least in some eyes, simply on account of it being framed in religious terms, and more so if that religion is perceived as somehow exotic or disadvantaged. But by excluding any opinions that do not serve their own arguments with Bush and Blair, opportunist parties like Respect are sidelining the very dissidents to whom we ought to be giving support. Claims that jihadists can be negotiated with, or appeased - or reasoned with in any meaningful sense - are misleading; as are claims that the grievances being invoked are entirely the fault of Western “oppression.” Again, how is “oppression” being defined here? Does preferring democracy to theocracy count? Do human rights? Does not surrendering to Islam’s doubtful charms count? For many, if not most, Islamists, this is exactly how “oppression” has been defined. We have not rendered unto Allah what is allegedly his, and for that we are to be punished by his foot soldiers. Any defensive action, or any move to inhibit the advancement of this belief, is naturally deemed further “provocation.” (See my post of July 13th here for more details.) The failure of much of the left to understand this central thread of Islamic theology – and its tendentious definitions of “oppression”, “innocence” and “justice” - is difficult to excuse. Many of those who try to legitimise the ambitions of jihadists and their apologists tend to ignore any aspects of those ambitions that do not suit a leftist (or anti-Bush) agenda. For instance, the repeated demands by bin Laden and Zarqawi (and their cheerleaders) for the imposition of Sharia go strangely unanalysed, or entirely unremarked. As do the implications for religious pluralism, free speech and basic human rights. One of the many websites supporting al-Qaeda in Iraq made these ambitions clear: “The Islamic Sharia is the right religion and anything else is wrong and rejected, including the constitution. No human being is allowed to legislate laws which are the right of Allah alone… Participating in drafting legislations and the constitution is equal to infidelism and blatant polytheism. Whoever believes in it or calls for it or rules by it is an apostate and an infidel…” Or, as Zarqawi put it: “We have declared an all-out war on this evil principle of democracy and those who follow this wrong ideology…” Quite how George Galloway and those like him rationalise the imposition of Sharia as “liberation” remains a mystery. Indeed, this double-think lies at the heart of the left’s opportunist alliance with sadistic zealots who would extinguish democracy, along with freedom of conscience and freedom of belief. Apparently, giving Bush and Blair a bloody nose seems to be a goal worth any price, and any moral contradiction. Whatever the protestations to the contrary, the jihadist ideal seems to express a kind of psychological and philosophical agoraphobia; a retreat from life’s possibilities and a determination to shrink life down to claustrophobic proportions. Cowardice, in effect.



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Re: Hizb's actual policies
Sarah, thank you very much for your kind intervention. And thanks for the tip about URLs. I'm sorry I was rude about your system. I had complained about it before. Actually I have complained more than once and going back months, including sending an email or via a contact form to the webmaster. (I later saw a rather, shall we say, "eccentric" article on technical stuff by the webmaster and lost hope.) The problem, though, is that the 'preview' function does not show what the finished post will look like. 1. The preview ignores line breaks. If I put in 'break' tags (which are like "(br)" except with angle brackets) the preview shows them working perfectly. But the finished post ignores them, showing them instead as raw text. However, line breaks and empty lines are not ignored in the post as they are in the preview. 2. Similar problem with anchor tags, like the ones you were nice enough to fix for me. The preview shows the anchor tag functioning exactly as expected, but the finished post shows them raw. (I know, I should have learned my lesson! But I hadn't figured it out as clearly as I have now.) I'm using the Mozilla Firefox browser but I remember when I first had this problem I tried it using Internet Explorer before writing to you. btw, David T posting here is the author of the coverage of Hizb at Harry's Place blog and would probably be happy to write a well-sourced and precise analysis of their policies and history for your site. Thanks again, Juan (I looked for an email address to use for this but didn't find it. Sorry to go so complete off topic!)



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Re: Hizb's actual policies
Juan, you'll be pleased to know David T was in touch with us before joining the forum discussion, to propose that he write exactly the kind of piece you suggest. We talked about this in our editorial meeting this morning and have asked him to go ahead and send it to us. And to David and David too: We are publishing an article by Ehsan Masood on Hizb-ut-Tahrir this afternoon. It'll be good to hear what you all think :) Sarah (-forum moderator)



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Re: Hizb's actual policies
Sarah, Very pleased to hear you have commissioned an article from David T. Not before time in my view. He writes very very well and does impeccable research. More than 6 months ago some of us, myself included, requested you broaden the basis of discussed topics and started to examine the Islamic World instead of all this endless 'we hate America' stuff you had all been fixated with. I am glad to see you have begun to act on our suggestions.



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Re: Hizb's actual policies
Owly, Thanks for your message. Given your concern about the range of topics openDemocracy covers, I wonder whether you are unfamiliar with some of our previous articles and debates. Here are a couple of good points to start exploring: 9/11: Islamic worlds The Middle East This latest debate also includes contributions you may find useful. Best, Sarah (-forum moderator)



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Re: Hizb's actual policies
Owly & Davidt.harryblog, Ehsan Masood’s article, The Hizb ut-Tahrir Equation, goes a small way to redressing the imbalance of OD content that Owly refers to. However, Masood’s piece, like so many others, leaves the fundamental issues unaddressed. Many left-leaning commentators claim that groups like Hizb ut-Tahrir are primarily a reaction to foreign policy, or an isolated aberration, as if they were somehow utterly unconnected to broader issues within Islam - issues which, for many, define what Islam is. Again and again, we are assured that moderate believers reject the methods (if not always the aims) of the jihadists and their cheerleaders. Yet evidence of an effective theological refutation of those methods, grounded in the Qur’an and Mohammed’s own deeds, is hard to find. The Yemeni Judge Hamoud Al-Hitar has made heroic attempts to do this when talking to imprisoned extremists, apparently with some success. But patiently ‘converting’ a captive fanatic is a very different matter from reasoning with a fanatic who is free to intimidate and supported by his peers. In April, Al-Hitar said: “This strategy of dialogue has proved effective, and there are a lot of verses in the Holy Qur’an about different types of dialogue. For instance between God and the angels, prophets and their people, and others.” Unfortunately, no mention was made of any Qur'anic example of a realistic dialogue between believers and infidels, which is surely the heart of the matter. Perhaps this is because nowhere in the Qur'an or Sunnah does Mohammed refer to infidels as equals. And one still has to ask why Al-Hitar’s success is apparently so rare, and why similar efforts are not being implemented widely. While moderate Muslims vastly outnumber homicidal extremists, they have yet to offer a widespread and persuasive theological argument based in the Qur’an and Sunnah that defends their moderation or presents it as more ‘authentic.’ This failure suggests the problem posed by groups like Hizb ut-Tahrir runs much deeper than many commentators like to imagine. Extremists can, of course, readily produce theological arguments that support supremacist extremism, in accord with the Prophet’s own words. Jihadists pointedly cite Mohammed’s own ‘revelations’ – particularly the later, homicidal ones - to win converts and silence opposition. Theirs, they say, is a “pure Islam”, unadulterated by textual or contextual analysis, or by reciprocal morality. For resentful young men, this “pure” Islam is, of course, very exciting and alluringly simplistic. Absolute beliefs of all kinds have routinely attracted those with sociopathic tendencies, but fundamentalist Islam offers an unparalleled playground for such people, since it provides a unique ideological lens through which almost any grievance can be focussed and amplified. This literalism and fixation with Mohammed’s belligerent and xenophobic utterances may appal moderate believers and may seem highly selective; but it is nonetheless misleading to claim that the adversarial and narcissistic example of Islam’s Prophet is not part of the problem. Particularly when Mohammed’s more hostile and intolerant ‘revelations’ are widely regarded as abrogating and rescinding earlier, less menacing ones. For millions of Muslims, even many supposedly moderate adherents, Mohammed is beyond reproach; he is al-insan al-kamil, the measure of all virtue for all time. Quite how one resolves the actual events of Mohammed’s later reign with the repeated suffix “peace be upon him” is difficult to fathom. Nor can one dismiss the widespread aversion to questioning those ‘revelations’, or the general aversion to testing the opinions of supposedly wiser Muslims. This traditional deference to status, and particularly to Mohammed, is very much part of the problem faced by reformers and infidels alike. Equally problematic is the tendency to view legitimate criticism of such figures as a profound personal assault. Thus, the mere stating of facts, however measured the delivery, can result in surprisingly vehement and irrational defensiveness, even among otherwise intelligent people. (See my exchanges with Cherif and Asaf.) Naturally, this mix of denial and hypersensitivity is often rather intimidating and makes realistic criticism even less likely. In turn, critical trepidation helps perpetuate an intolerance of unpalatable or unfamiliar ideas. Moreover, this tendency towards defensive denial, resentment, even rage seems uncomfortably close to the self-validating worldview of the jihadist, who merely takes that tendency to its endpoint.



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Re: Hizb's actual policies
I have read the comments and articles with interest. From the discussion of many people who espouse liberal values, it seems hypocritical to make the claim that HT is an extremist and totalitarian organisation while these advocates clearly expect people to conform to their secular fundamentalist beliefs and consider their view point as enlightened. This is similar to the preaching of the preachers who proclaim that western values are universal! I think that for debate to be productive between Muslims and non-Muslims, there has to be a recognition of the doctrinal distinctions between these civilisations. This is the core of the discussion and the dialogue should be pitched at this level. I agree with David Thompson on this at least. I believe that it is possible to discuss the validity of the secular and Islamic doctrines in a rational manner if a high degree of intellectual rigour is invested. Message was edited by: salmanrahman Message was edited by: salmanrahman Message was edited by: salmanrahman Message was edited by: salmanrahman



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Re: Hizb's actual policies
Salman, “It seems hypocritical to make the claim that HT is an extremist and totalitarian organisation while these advocates clearly expect people to conform to their secular fundamentalist beliefs and consider their view point as enlightened. This is similar to the preaching of the preachers that western values are universal!” It is not a matter of hypocrisy, merely of pragmatism. There are logical limits to how far one can tolerate intolerance, which is a defining feature of your organisation. By any credible definition, Hizb ut-Tahrir is both extreme and totalitarian, at least in its stated goals and their inevitable implications. Your use of the word “hypocritical” seems based on the assumption that somehow liberal societies can be infinitely accommodating, even of movements which would undermine the very basis of that liberal accommodation. This is logically absurd. The word “hypocritical” also implies an assumption that all ideological systems are somehow - and a priori - equal in merit, and that no judgement can be made as to which is preferable, or conducive to diversity and intellectual freedom. This is itself an absurd cultural bias, albeit a fashionable one. One cannot equate a political system that permits a unique degree of diversity and choice, and which is open to adaptation, with an allegedly immutable theological doctrine which denies diversity and individual choice. In philosophical terms, the former is open-ended and capable of evolution; the latter is closed and therefore terminal in nature. Western secular societies are not hostile to personal spirituality, and secularism is precisely what allows people of different faiths to coexist without struggling for control of the social and political realm. The inevitable trade-off is that religious dogma cannot be the primary basis of how political decisions are made. These concepts of pluralism by means of private faith and ethics by means of rational discussion may be anathema to your understanding of Islam, but theological dominance of the kind your organisation advocates is morally untenable and practically regressive. Whether or not Western values are “universal” is irrelevant. What matters is that those values are preferable to the worldview advanced by Hizb ut-Tahrir, and practically far more plausible. In much the same way that state control of all economic activity (which is advanced in Hizb literature) would cripple economic development, likewise theological control would retard intellectual development and critical thinking. In societal terms, it might help to imagine a dinner party metaphor. A guest who badmouths the décor and starts threatening other guests is much less welcome than one who does not.



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Re: Hizb's actual policies
Sarah, that's great news! Thanks for letting me know. Very nice discussion here, especially between the two Davids.



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Re: Hizb's actual policies
jgolblado & Davidt.harryblog, Although Hizb ut-Tahrir attempts to legitimise a mindset that is divisive and morally repellent, I’m not convinced that banning the organisation is the best course of action. I’m not temperamentally inclined towards censorship, and censorious inhibition is precisely what has allowed groups of this kind to flourish largely unopposed. Recent years have seen a creeping climate of censoriousness, particularly with regard to religions deemed ‘exotic’ or disadvantaged. Bigotry clothed as religion has been strangely immune from realistic scrutiny, largely on the basis that religious belief is “too sensitive” to discuss in unflattering terms. However, some of us have fond memories of Pamela Stephenson singing "The Ayatollah Song" on the satirical TV series Not the Nine O’Clock News. Why is such a thing now almost impossible to imagine? And has this new trepidation gotten us anywhere we’d like to be? A po-faced “respect” is now deemed obligatory in matters of Islamic faith, regardless of how absurd and grotesque the beliefs in question might be. But how does one ‘respect’ the belief that non-Muslims should be legally subordinate to Muslims, a policy advanced by Hizb ut-Tahrir, and one that is still endorsed by Al-Azhar University in Cairo? How does one ‘respect’ mainstream Islamic websites that insist Muslims cannot take infidels as "sincere" friends? How exactly does one ‘respect’ Australia’s Islamic Information Centre, which distributes books urging Muslims to “learn to hate” non-Muslims in order to “properly” love Allah, and which instructs believers "not to feel compassion" for those who are different? And how, pray tell, does one ‘respect’ the belief that people who accidentally desecrate the Qur’an should be bludgeoned to death by a mob? This fraudulent deference is uncomfortably close to the subordinate dhimmi status Islamists assign to non-Muslims. And the consequences of this superficial “respect” include the growth and relative immunity from criticism of groups like Hizb ut-Tahrir. How can such organisations be discussed in any credible way if the theological imperatives they invoke are supposedly beyond reproach or simply unmentionable? It occurs to me that a better long-term course of action would be to remove the double standard whereby belief is indulged with relative immunity from criticism for fear of causing ‘offence’. Being offended does not make one right, or victimised, or particularly sane. And affected grievance can be exploited as both a smokescreen and a means of intimidation. (See here for several examples.) Surely a better approach to Hizb ut-Tahrir and their peers would be to publicly and unapologetically test their ideas, ideally to the point of destruction? I’d quite like to see the organisation’s members exposed as the bullies, bigots and pretentious little fascists they actually are. Without the climate in which causing ‘offence’ to believers is deemed the ultimate taboo, a healthy dose of ridicule could be applied. With luck, the name "Hizb ut-Tahrir" would eventually become associated with the words "ludicrous" and "poseur".



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Re: Hizb's actual policies
There's also a superb documentation of Hizb's hatred at: http://mcbwatch.blogspot.com/



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Re: Hizb's actual policies
Earlier in this thread, Salman said: “I think that for debate to be productive between Muslims and non-Muslims, there has to be a recognition of the doctrinal distinctions between these civilisations. This is the core of the discussion and the dialogue should be pitched at this level. I agree with David Thompson on this at least. I believe that it is possible to discuss the validity of the secular and Islamic doctrines in a rational manner if a high degree of intellectual rigour is invested.” Well, we wait with bated breath. But if such a rational discussion is to take place, it seems necessary to do away with some fashionable assumptions. Chief among which might be the assumption that all social systems of somehow of equal practical merit. Or the assumption that a preference for, say, democracy over theocracy is no more consequential than a taste for strawberry ice-cream over vanilla. Theory aside, there is still the matter of pragmatism and what actually works. Despite Salman’s earlier post, the issue of Hizb’s actual policies and their practical ramifications is still far from clear. Aside from the rather fanciful curtailment of gender interaction and grandiose claims of eliminating “falsehood”, the practicalities of how this idealised “prophetic regime” would actually function in the real world remain, as yet, a mystery. Whatever the protestations to the contrary, what is being advanced here is a theocratic system. All theocratic systems require a regressive degree of censoriousness and social control. These are inescapable structural features of rigid ideologies, particularly those of an absolute religious nature with pretensions to timelessness. In turn, these proscriptive measures have profound educational, scientific and economic consequences, generally of a disadvantageous, even terminal, kind. I don’t doubt Hizb members will claim to offer some regimented ‘moral salvation’ (as they see it), and Hizb's pamphlets declare everything from an irrational hostility to Jews to the divine causation of earthquakes. All colourful stuff, if slightly bonkers. But how will such things actually advance human society? And how will Hizb's inflexible righteousness prepare children for a world which - unlike theological absolutes - is not black and white and does not remain static? And how, one wonders, will medical treatments be developed, or scientific understanding expand, or businesses flourish, or bins be emptied? And if these things can be done at all, what price will have to be paid, and by whom?



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Re: Hizb's actual policies
"One cannot equate a political system that permits a unique degree of diversity and choice, and which is open to adaptation, with an allegedly immutable theological doctrine which denies diversity and individual choice. In philosophical terms, the former is open-ended and capable of evolution; the latter is closed and therefore terminal in nature. Western secular societies are not hostile to personal spirituality, and secularism is precisely what allows people of different faiths to coexist without struggling for control of the social and political realm. The inevitable trade-off is that religious dogma cannot be the primary basis of how political decisions are made. These concepts of pluralism by means of private faith and ethics by means of rational discussion may be anathema to your understanding of Islam, but theological dominance of the kind your organisation advocates is morally untenable and practically regressive. Whether or not Western values are “universal” is irrelevant. What matters is that those values are preferable to the worldview advanced by Hizb ut-Tahrir, and practically far more plausible. In much the same way that state control of all economic activity (which is advanced in Hizb literature) would cripple economic development, likewise theological control would retard intellectual development and critical thinking." I beg to differ with this myopic and ill informed analysis. And I have thirteen hundred years of historical evidence to support my contention. I think that David would benefit from a comparative study of the civilisation created under the Caliphate and the contemporary secular civilisation to gain an appreciation of just how far humanity has regressed. David's understanding of Islam, its history and the policies of Hizb ut Tahrir are very superficial. Firstly, no society can allow open-ended personal choice. All societies require that limits be imposed upon human behaviour. In secular societies, people conform to limits that are generally accepted by the populace and these are enforced through legislation. Yes they evolve but that in itself means little. As I mentioned, the basis of whether such limits and the method by which they are arrived at require a rigourous rational discussion to ascertain whether such values are correct or erroneous. The "trade off" of allowing recognition of the existence of a Creator but preventing such conviction from the political realm is not enlightenment but rather a compromise between two diametrically opposed views-atheism and Christianity. This only shows a lack of conviction on behalf of both parties to rationally convince the other of the correctness of its thought. This is a very European philosophy borne out of a European experience of theocracy. For Muslims, the merit of living under divinely inspired systems of Islam as opposed to "mob rule" as some western thinkers have commented when considering the fallacies of implementing a 3000-year-old political system is undoubtedly a more serious matter than the choice of the flavour of ice cream. The consequences of the political struggle of our members against western funded dictators like Karimov have been well documented by human rights organisations. David should consider why the ruling elites of democratic states felt compelled to create two-chamber ruling structures where an elected chamber would be effectively restricted in political decision making by an unelected chamber of elites. As regards Islam's contribution to the development of humanity, I am quite stunned that David appears to have no appreciation that the Caliphate progressed the world and humanity for more than thirteen centuries, taking humanity out of the ancient world of superstition and into the modern world of empirical investigation and rational scrutiny. David's statement about a state controlled economy is a clear example of what little is actually appreciated about the Islamic economic system, which encourages commerce but has defined modes of transaction and properties that are public (state administered) and private. The implementation of such policies led to an unprecedented distribution of wealth such that Africa was known as the "breadbasket" of the world and not the "scar on the conscience of humanity". The western renaissance owes a huge debt to the Caliphate. It appears that David, like many in the West, make the fatal error of equating Islam's civilisation with that of the European theocratic experience. In fact they were universes apart as history has documented. Some in the West are both honest enough and well read to acknowledge this fact. Carly Fiorina, CEO Hewlett-Packard in 26/09/01 stated, “…There was once a civilization that was the greatest in the world. It was able to create a continental super-state that stretched from ocean to ocean, and from northern climes to tropics and deserts. Within it’s dominion lived hundreds of millions of people, of different creeds and ethnic origins. One of its languages became the universal language of much of the world, the bridge between the peoples of a hundred lands. Its armies were made up of people of many nationalities, and its military protection allowed a degree of peace and prosperity that had never been known. The reach of this civilisation’s commerce extended from Latin America to China and everywhere in between. …Its architects designed buildings that defied gravity. Its mathematicians created the algebra and algorithms that would enable the building of computers, and the creation of encryption. Its doctors examined the human body, and found new cures for disease. Its astronomers looked into the heavens, named the stars and paved the way for space travel and exploration. … …I’m talking about was the Islamic world from the year 800 to 1600, which included the Ottoman Empire and the courts of Baghdad, Damascus and Cairo and enlightened rulers like Suleiman the Magnificent.” Bernard Lewis, in his book ‘What Went Wrong?’ wrote, “Islam represented the greatest military power on earth… It was the foremost economic power in the world… It had achieved the highest level so far in human history, in the arts and sciences of civilization..." In comparing it to the Chinese civilization he wrote “…Islam in contrast created a world civilization, polyethnic, multiracial, international, one might even say intercontinental.” In the globalised world of the 21st century, Islam has the ability to organise human relationships in a manner than unites humanity on the basis of its humanity as opposed to placing her into competition for resources through nationalistic and ethnic rivalries. Thus far secularism has been unable to achieve stability or prosperity for humanity and is unlikely to ever do so. Message was edited by: salmanrahman



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Re: Hizb's actual policies
Salman, “I beg to differ with this myopic and ill informed analysis… David's understanding of Islam, its history and the policies of Hizb ut Tahrir are very superficial.” Well, you’re welcome to refute my statements with evidence and sources. This would, I think, be more useful than simply claiming that I’m shamefully ignorant and leaving it at that. You’ll notice that throughout this thread (and others), I’ve quoted the exact words of influential believers with links and sources for verification; if those reported views are “myopic and ill-informed” (and perhaps they are), those views are nonetheless shared by many of Islam’s adherents and many of your associates. It therefore seems a tad evasive to blame me for the stated ambitions of other people, many of whom your own organisation invokes. “Firstly, no society can allow open-ended personal choice…” Indeed, all choices and freedoms are conditional, as is everything else in human life, apparently. But you’re misrepresenting my earlier statement to create a false dichotomy. The point I’d hoped to make is that secular democracies are “open-ended” in that they are inherently susceptible to change, with varying degrees of discomfort, rather than driven by (and limited by) a single pre-determined objective, which is the general theme of Communist and theocratic polities. And the notion of ‘evolution’ in this sense is rather important. One of the virtues of the democratic ideal is that it has a pragmatic and realistic aspect and generally does not presume to be “perfect” or the last word in human society. It is not in itself a terminus; it is merely a means of travel. The testing of ideas is a key function of democracy; indeed this testing is what distinguishes democracy from mere majority rule. And the structural features of democracy itself are among the ideas that are tested. (How often and how well this testing happens is, of course, another matter.) But no serious person would suggest any of the current forms of democracy are perfect, or even close to perfect. And that is a defining merit of the system. It is open to dissent, adaptation and, hopefully, improvement, based on new ideas and new information. Can the same be said of a theocracy with pretensions to divine “perfection”? “The ‘trade off’ of allowing recognition of the existence of a Creator but preventing such conviction from the political realm is not enlightenment but rather a compromise between two diametrically opposed views-atheism and Christianity. This only shows a lack of conviction on behalf of both parties to rationally convince the other of the correctness of its thought.” Hmm. If not by means of evidence and rational discussion, how, I wonder, do you propose to incorporate the alleged preferences of a hypothetical being into democratic debate? And, again, you're presenting a false dichotomy. Secular democracy is not inherently atheistic, but rather conditional and pluralistic. It is indeed a compromise of sorts, but it is one which allows differing and often contradictory faiths to coexist reasonably well most of the time. Without the ‘buffer’ of secular proprieties, whereby policy arguments are usually framed in rational and evidential terms, it seems very likely that rival faiths would vie for dominance in the political realm unhindered by proof or logic. Which would hardly be a recipe for tolerance, equity or enlightenment. For instance, the Islamic concept of the legally subordinate non-Muslim dhimma indicates how religious dominance actually works in practice. If a more contemporary illustration is required, take a look at this charming example. Note how the Indonesian Muslims who share your dream of a righteous Caliphate also insist: “Indonesia [will] be the foundation of a Southeast Asian Caliphate that will launch jihad against other nations such as Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, the Philippines, Australia and Papua New Guinea until they have all submitted to Islam." Naturally, in order to achieve this glorious aim, “all pockets of resistance must be subdued.” And, naturally enough, “If the [unbelievers] reject [the call to Islam], then they are invited to submit to the ruling of the Islamic State by paying the jizya tax. If they reject that, then war must be waged against them in order to remove any obstacle in the way of implementing the Islamic ruling system upon them." Now doesn't this sound familiar? And is this what you mean by "uniting humanity on the basis of its humanity"? “The Caliphate… [took] humanity out of the ancient world of superstition and into the modern world of empirical investigation and rational scrutiny… The implementation of [Islamic economic] policies led to an unprecedented distribution of wealth such that Africa was known as the ‘breadbasket’ of the world…” Well, given the supernatural aspects of Hizb ideology, including the allegedly divine causation of earthquakes, one can only wonder where that “rational scrutiny” has gone. Since your organisation is premised on an unverifiable supposition – the alleged preferences of a hypothetical being - empirical investigation doesn’t exactly seem a priority or a guiding influence. Incidentally, Africa’s notional status as “breadbasket of the world” was largely due to influence of British imperialists, led by the infamous Cecil Rhodes. Curiously, since the decline of Western colonial influence, much of that “breadbasket” has reverted to the tribal conflicts and economic collapse that originally made it a target for exploitation. Nor can one ignore the contemporary role of Islamist movements in the furthering of bloodshed, slavery, forced conversion, mass displacement and general destitution. 11 of Nigeria’s 36 states are now ruled by Islamic Sharia. Consequently, the rights of women and non-Muslims have all but been extinguished and a Saudi-funded jihad has resulted in thousands of Christians and other non-Muslims being killed since 1999. However, this phenomenon is most notable in Sudan, where Sharia has been imposed since 1983 and a genocidal jihad has subsequently raged for two decades. Is this, then, another example of "uniting humanity on the basis of its humanity"? “David should consider why the ruling elites of democratic states felt compelled to create two-chamber ruling structures where an elected chamber would be effectively restricted in political decision making by an unelected chamber of elites.” And perhaps you should consider how the two-chamber system you mention was not in fact the result of compulsion or any single design, but rather evolved over centuries, largely to inhibit the power of monarchs and religious fanatics. It is, in large part, the piecemeal result of several attempts to limit the power of the state over individuals. And surely fanaticism and the power of the state are at the heart of this discussion? Whatever the historical virtues of the Caliphate (and whatever the charms of Islamic architecture), there is still the question of contemporary relevance and the matter of what actually works today. What served a specific purpose centuries ago may not serve that same purpose (or any purpose) now. Many of the structural features of the Caliphate – including the aforementioned dhimmi status of non-Muslims - would no longer be viewed as tolerable, or as a credible trade-off. Sentimentalising the past to the extent you do – and filtering history to suit some received mythology – is not a persuasive argument, or a basis for credibility. How will this rosy scenario fit into the twenty-first century? By what means should this scenario be brought about? And, again, at whose expense? “In the globalised world of the 21st century, Islam has the ability to organise human relationships in a manner than unites humanity on the basis of its humanity as opposed to placing her into competition for resources through nationalistic and ethnic rivalries. Thus far secularism has been unable to achieve stability or prosperity for humanity and is unlikely to ever do so.” Heh. Well, to the best of my knowledge, all empires have been built on unsavoury foundations. And that includes the fabled Caliphate. I could, of course, list the equally unflattering history of Islamic conquest beginning with Mohammed himself and spanning half the planet and more than a thousand years. If time permits, I could recount how Islam was spread - violently - from southern France and Austria to Nigeria, the Phillipines and New Guinea. I could mention the plundering raids into Europe, Georgia and Russia, the sacking of churches and the abduction of Christian men and women – raids which were a primary cause of the abominable Crusades, from which no-one emerged virtuous or unstained. I could likewise mention the millions of African men who were castrated and marched overland, until the minority that survived were sold as infidels in the slave markets of Jeddah, Constantinople and Damascus. I could mention the Islamic invasions of Ethiopia and Algeria, or the invasion of Sudan in 1275 by Egypt’s Muslim Mamluks. Or, more recently, the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, where black slaves were traded for camels or given as wedding gifts. And, again, I could ask if this is what you mean by "uniting humanity on the basis of its humanity." But no. That wouldn’t do, would it? I’m guessing we should simply ignore the history of Islam’s own expansive “competition for resources” and ignore Islam’s own remarkable history of “ethnic rivalries”, if only to further your strangely acausal dream. Still, I do wonder if the Caliphate, over which you swoon so readily, could have arisen or survived without the slave markets of Jeddah and Constantinople, and without the military conquest and extortion of rival polities. Either way, when it comes to the history of empire, no-one’s hands are particularly clean. And pretending otherwise is simply dishonest. Whether or not secular democracy will ultimately bring prosperity to the entire planet is a rather daunting question, and one that is obviously open to debate. But the stifled social and economic model advanced by Hizb ut-Tahrir is much less plausible as a means of achieving peace or material advancement, whether locally or globally. And your tendency to santise history (and to omit its unflattering features) hardly seems a recipe for a brave new tomorrow.



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Re: Hizb's actual policies
“In the globalised world of the 21st century, Islam has the ability to organise human relationships in a manner than unites humanity on the basis of its humanity as opposed to placing her into competition for resources through nationalistic and ethnic rivalries. Thus far secularism has been unable to achieve stability or prosperity for humanity and is unlikely to ever do so.” Well, I'm sorry. God disagrees with you and he has told me that you're wrong.




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Re: Hizb's actual policies
cf this: http://bau2.uibk.ac.at/sg/python/Sounds/HolyGrailPeasants.wav/scimitar.wav