Security sector reform - a global challenge
Behind this contemporary motto of international organizations lie two different and arguably contradictory issues: how can the security sector been made more democratically accountable to people whose security is at stake? How can it be streamlined so as to cost less?
Hanne Røislien, in her seminal study of the place of Judaism in the IDF, meanwhile reminds us that behind any discussion of a “security sector”, we find people, whose attitudes and approaches to security are essential to consider.
Nowhere are issues related to Security Sector Reform more apparent than in the post-Spring Arab world. New security forces are rebuilt while previous ones ought to be made accountable for past abuse. Who are the main forces driving such reforms? How are they publicly debated in contexts of unruly democratic transitions? Such question also brings to light the complex role played by international organisations, such as NATO or the EU, in promoting their vision of Security Sector Reform. Read more.
Britain's policing problem
Britain was once famous for its unarmed and relatively restrained police force, but the death of a man at last week's G20 protests in London has brought into focus serious concerns with a new aggressive form of policing. Former police chief Andy Hayman today warned that "If left unchecked, we have a more violent crowd in uniform than the one demonstrating."
Here I give my account of the protests and the police tactics used. This article was written several days prior to the release of the video showing Ian Tomlinson, the man who died at the protests, being beaten and pushed by a baton-wielding policeman shortly before his death.
Does Britain now have an aggressive system of policing that undermines the country's democratic traditions by systematically intimidating and closing down any protest it does not consider ‘safe'? The way that the G20 protests were managed suggests that we do. In particular the policy of "kettling" is a deliberate form of indiscriminate, collective punishment of demonstrators committed to peaceful protest, which seems designed to frighten people from expressing their disapproval of a system that is now, even by its own admission, dysfunctional. The development is part of a wider pattern of state authoritarianism not to speak of out-of-control policing. I was present in the City of London throughout Wednesday's events. Here I give my account of the protests, and an overview of the reports about them, with some ideas on how we can re-claim our liberty from those who would undermine it through fear and bullying.
Since Wednesday April 1st there have been several first-hand accounts by protestors of the heavy handidness and, in many cases, brutality of the police's approach to the protests at the Bank of England and Climate Camp. These have helped counter some of the all too predictable smears coming from sections of the mainstream media. There is now a strong case which says that not only did the police action raise serious civil liberties concerns; it was counter-productive, provoking violence and endangering the safety of peaceful protestors.
Irish Parliament urges UK Govt to release bombings files to international judge
Diane Forsyth (Dublin: Justice for the Forgotten): On Thursday all parties in the Irish Parliament passed a formal motion urging the British Government “to allow access by an independent, international judicial figure to all original documents” which it currently holds, relating to a number of “atrocities” that occurred in the Republic in the 1970s. While not as significant as, say, last year’s Baha Mousa ruling allowing the application of the Human Rights Act to deaths perpetrated by the British Army overseas, the motion is a very important step in the fight against security force impunity and for military accountability.
The atrocities referred to include the Dublin and Monaghan bombings of the 17th May 1974, which killed 34 people, the Dublin bombings of 1972 and 1973 (the latter of which killed a British citizen) and a number of other fatal attacks perpetrated in the Republic in the early to mid-1970s, a period during which the conflict in Northern Ireland was escalating inexorably. All of the attacks were (privately) inquired into by an independent judicial figure appointed by the Irish Government, Judge Henry Barron, whose final report was published in 2006.
Barron was tasked with inquiring into the attacks for a number of reasons, not least the fact that not a single person had ever been prosecuted in relation to any of the murders. His investigation came in the aftermath of a Yorkshire Television documentary, broadcast in 1993, which brought to light new evidence pointing to the involvement of British security forces in the Dublin and Monaghan bombings. (In spite of this, it should be noted that the actual impetus behind the Irish Government’s decision to initiate the new inquiry, which only began in 2000, arose from the campaigning work of Justice for the Forgotten, the organisation representing the victims of the Dublin and Monaghan bombings.)
Judge Barron’s Reports were subsequently examined by an Irish parliamentary Sub-Committee, which then produced a number of its own reports on his findings. The Sub-Committee’s ultimate conclusions in relation to the Barron investigations were stark. They noted that, “we are dealing with acts of international terrorism that were colluded in by the British security forces.” This collusion encompassed active co-operation between loyalist paramilitaries, the UDR (a British Army regiment based in the North of Ireland), the RUC (the contemporary Northern Irish police force) and British Military Intelligence.
Despite his strong findings however, Judge Barron was not in a position to conclusively prove this collusion. Why? As the Sub-Committee also noted “all of the Barron reports [were] frustrated by the absence of any real co-operation from the British security forces."
Concerns with regard to protecting information of relevance to “national security” may partly underlie this complete lack of co-operation. Fortunately, this can be, and should be, easily circumvented by the appointment of an independent, international judicial figure, acceptable to both the Irish and British governments, who can assess all of the relevant documentation and advise as to further actions.
For citizens of the United Kingdom, who understandably might be shocked by Barron’s findings and hopeful that such criminal activity on the part of British security forces is dealt with appropriately, the appointment of such a judicial figure is of utmost importance, for the sake of the integrity of their own forces and to prevent the perpetration of further unlawful deaths in sovereign nations abroad.
Ruling the waves...or waiving the rules?
Guy Aitchison (London, OK): The handy security update sent out daily by terrorism.oD informs me that the MoD has now confirmed that the fifteen UK sailors taken captive by Iran in March of last year were not seized in Iraqi waters.
Ruling on soldiers' Human Rights further presages parliament-judiciary collision
John Jackson (London, Mishcon de Reya & Unlock Democracy): An important part of the context of Mr Justice Collins' ruling today, that sending a soldier into a battle inadequately equipped may be a breach of his or her human rights (thereby implying that the courts might have to say what “adequate equipment” is), is one of the more stark assertions by Lord Justice Moses in the
Jon Bright (London, OK): The Telegraph reports today that 5,000 children are being added to the UK's DNA database a month, around 25% of the total number of new additions. A Home Office spokesman explained that, as under 18s made up roughly 25% of arrests, it was unsurprising they made up 25% of new additions.
Military Education and DNA control
Salmond should push for devolved armed forces
Mike Small (Fife, Bella Caledonia): I recently engaged Angus Macleod, Scottish Political Editor of the Times about why they still referred to the "Scottish Executive" when no such body existed. Nobody, not the Tories, not even the British Government, refer to the SNP administration as anything other than "the Scottish Government." In a give-away line that anarchists would love he explained: "The reason why the term Government might not be appropriate is that the devolved body does not possess all the powers of a government e.g.
The UK's Armed Forces
Jon Bright (London, OK): There is an excellent article on the state of the armed forces over on openDemocracy by Paul Rogers - explaining clearly why Britain has one of the largest defence budgets in the world, yet retired generals are still complaining about lack of spending. Required reading.
No Gaullism here, lock up the generals in the Tower
Anthony Barnett (London, OK): What should we call a small group of retired Army chiefs? A gaggle of generals? Whatever we decide to call them, it has been a principle of British politics that they keep their beaks shut.
Welsh military will divide nationalists and unionists
Normal Mouth (Rhondda, blogger): Is the military a wedge issue in Welsh politics? The BBC certainly seemed to think so last week when they splashed details of Plaid Cymru Vice President Jill Evans' proposals for a downsized Welsh defence force under UN control, in the event of Wales becoming independent.




























