David Marquand (Oxford, author): There is a fundamental flaw in the campaign for an English Parliament and its feeble echoes in current Conservative talk of English votes for English bills. They are entirely reactive: negative, sour, mean-minded, ‘me-too’ responses to the wonderful growth of national feeling in Scotland and Wales. So far as I know, no one has yet put forward a positive case for devolution to England, based on a moral vision of what England and the English stand for or might come to stand for. Sadly, this is not surprising. There is no English national Myth comparable to the Scottish Myth of popular sovereignty or the Welsh Myth of Celtic socialism. The only English political leader who has tried to articulate an English national Myth in our time was Enoch Powell; and the Powellite Myth was self-consciously archaic and reactionary as well as profoundly anti-democratic.
Unless and until the English decide who they are, and rediscover the buried republican tradition of Milton and Blake, they will not be fit for self government. They will have to stagger on in their usual ‘pragmatic’, negative, utilitarian way and leave the task of building democratic political cultures in an increasingly threadbare Britain to the Scots and Welsh.
Moderator: This started life as a response to Gareth Young's post in our 'The Year Ahead' series, which discussed the best strategy for the Campaign for an English Parliament.











Brian Barder (not verified) said:
Fri, 2008-01-11 22:12David Marquand writes: "So far as I know, no one has yet put forward a positive case for devolution to England, based on a moral vision of what England and the English stand for or might come to stand for." Charlie Marks has already pointed out that 'a moral vision of what England stands for' (whatever that might mean) is not a necessary feature of the case for devolution to England. But it's surprising that Mr Marquand hasn't come across the principal and unanswerable (if non-visionary) case for devolution to England, namely that we have stumbled half-way into a full federal system in the UK: that stopping half-way throws up numerous indefensible and destabilising anomalies, of which the most flagrant is pithily summed up in the West Lothian Question: and that the only solution to these problems, apart from dissolving the Union altogether, is to complete the federal project -- which necessarily entails devolution to England. A full federation of the four UK nations will have huge advantages, including a massive transfer of powers and responsibilities from the federal organs at Westminster to the four nations' governments and legislatures, leaving Westminster with little more than foreign affairs and defence. The UK disease of gross over-centralisation and micro-management from the centre will at last be cured. All four of the nations, not just England, will assume full responsibility for all their internal affairs. The hunger for more real devolved powers in Scotland and Wales will be satisfied. Democratic politics, brought much closer to ordinary people throughout the UK (and not just along its fringes), will be re-invigorated. It has worked well for years in the US, Australia, Canada, Germany and many other western democracies: why are we so scared of it here?
The case for devolution to England is subsumed in the case for a federation of the United Kingdom: urgent, positive, unanswerable. I hope Mr Marquand will give it fair, unbiased and non-prejudicial consideration.
Brian
http://www.barder.com/ephems/