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Labour After Brown

From Milibland to Johnson land?: Jeremy Gilbert argues for Labour without neo-liberalism.

Magical thinking on Britishness: Anthony Barnett critiques Liam Byrne on fraternity.

Rule of law at risk: Geoffrey Bindman calls for a turn away from the marketisation of government.

A new Bill of Rights for Britain?: Guy Aitchison analyses Parliament's proposed new Bill of Rights.

Miliband - by our rights we will know you: Claire O'Brien puts forward a new progressive vision for Labour.

Recapturing liberal Britain: David Marquand challenges Labour's constitutional orthodoxy.

Miliband and the Liberal Democrats: James Graham on the case for realignment.

What is Labour's British story?: Writing from Scotland, Gerry Hassan widens the OurKingdom debate on Labour's future.

This is not Brown's crisis but Britain's: David Marquand says social democracy is bust and Britain may be too.

The Challenges for Miliband's Progressive Fusion: Fabian Society head Sunder Katwala responds to David Miliband.

NOT A DAY LONGER




What do we do now?: Anthony Barnett assesses the stakes for for liberals and radicals in David Davis's campaign against the erosion of rights and liberties


The Abundance of Caution: an authoritative essay by Anthony Barnett sets out the case against 42 Days

England Awakes?

England, Britain and multiculturalism: an OurKingdom exchange

A mild awakening?, England's turn? by David Goodhart

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Their rebellion may sink Brown - but save our democracy

15 - 04 - 2008
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Sunny Hundal (London, Liberal Conspiracy): It should come as no surprise that, in an effort to push its plans to extend pre-charge detention to 42 days, the Home Office has started citing the number of terrorist plots in Britain. Playing to the gallery in the News of the World this Sunday, Jacqui Smith said:

There are 2,000 individuals [the intelligence services] are monitoring. There are 200 networks. There are 30 active plots. We can't wait for an attack to succeed and then rush in new powers. We've got to stay ahead.

The first problem with this approach is the way successive home secretaries have cynically exploited such figures to push through controversial legislation on terrorism. After all, this is at least the fourth anti-terrorism bill since 2001, and each has been controversial in the way our government has tried to extend its powers. Shadow home secretary David Davis articulated this best when he responded yesterday by saying: "It is a sign of desperation that the home secretary is citing as 'new' evidence details given in a speech by the head of MI5 five months ago."

Secondly, there is no evidence to suggest current powers aren't enough. Everyone from former Attorney General Lord Goldsmith, head of MI5 Jonathan Evans and head of the Crown Prosecution Service Ken MacDonald are not convinced additional powers will help or are necessary.

The latest round of media interviews suggest that, in Parliament, both those in favour of 42 days and those opposed are playing a game of bluff to give the impression they are on solid ground. All this makes it difficult to assess its chances of success. But, as the Guardian reported, the cabinet is split on support for the plans.

Speaking on the Today programme yesterday Tony McNulty was confident: "once people understand...the temporary nature then people do buy it." But the government has already had many opportunities to convince people of the "temporary" nature of laws like this, and failed. Last week, during the pro-Tibetan protests, journalists reported that several people were threatened with anti-terrorism legislation. We should be acutely aware that there is huge potential for powers to detain without charge to be abused, and the fallout will make Britain more susceptible to terrorism, not less.

In the end, the vote will most likely come down to an issue of political positioning, rather than an accurate assessment of whether this legislation is needed. Jacqui Smith's team has already pointed out that a defeat for the Prime Minister would further damage Labour morale and make victory at the next General Election more difficult. And with embarassment looming at the Local Elections and the possiblity of Ken Livingstone losing in London to further compound Labour's troubles, Labour MPs may re-think rebelling on this legislation purely to save their own electoral skin. We should hope for the sake of our democracy they don't.

Liberal Conspiracy is running a campaign agaisnt the extension of detention without charge. Visit the homepage here.

 

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Robert (not verified) said:

Wed, 2008-04-16 07:12

This is a build up to 90 days again determined government. we had the IRA interment did not work, putting innocent people into detention will just make people angry and they might become a terrorist, we do need a new government, it cannot come fast enough for me.

Charlie Winstanley (not verified) said:

Wed, 2008-04-16 22:11

And further to the above comment, regardless of which, I have absolutely no faith whatsoever that the figures cited by Jacqui Smith are reliable.

It seems to me that when the police actually have evidence, they're more than happy to splash it about (fertisliser bomb plot, for example). In such a case, not one piece of anti-terrorist legislation since the Terrorism Act was actually necessary in order to mete out the punishments which were/are being dealt. Not extended detention without charge, not stop and search legislation, not nothing.

And when they've lied to us so many times about these things (Jean Charles de Menezes, the Manchester United 'scare', Saddam Hussein, all the other hundreds of plots you hear about briefly and then never again) I think you've gotta be pretty dumb to fall for the hype.

2000 individuals? 30 active plots? My Arse.

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