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The British Crisis

Do the public really want to change ‘the system’?: Stuart Wilks-Heeg presents polling evidence
 

Don't trust MPs' constitutional poker: Guy Aitchison supports the call for a citizens' convention
 

Brown's 'National Council for Democratic Renewal': Anthony Barnett on the Prime Minister's desperate proposal
 

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Who Polices The Police?

Open letter to the BBC: Guy Aitchison and Stuart White raise serious concerns with the BBC's coverage of G20 policing
 

The Met must stop spinning G20 policing: Defend Peaceful Protest on the Met's response to its critics
 

Met watchdog criticises G20 policing: Anna Bragga reports on the MPA meeting
 

Our campaign to defend peaceful protest launches: Guy Aitchison and Andy May have some questions for the Met following the policing of the G20
 

The architectural photographer as terrorist: Edward Denison recounts his detention for photographing a police station
 

Letter to the Beeb: Guy Aitchison responds to a complacent and misleading feature on "kettling" for the BBC website
 

Not "kettling" but "bubbling": Clare Coatman on polarised views of police and protesters
 

Kettling - another special relationship: Charles Shaw's eye-witness account of the practice's US debut
 

Practical proposals to reform the police: Guy Aitchison invites OK readers to add to a list
 

Met orders review into policing of protests: Guy Aitchison comments on Sir Paul Stephenson's suggestions
 

Trapped and beaten by police in Climate Camp: Testimony from Chris Abbott

More in this series

The Damian Green Affair


A Very British Arrest: Laura Sandys on the precedent of her father's 1939 experience.


One reason why the police are dangerous, undemocratic and stupid: Anthony Barnett condemns an attack on democracy.


Questioned by the Met: An MP's experience: Tony Clarke on the crucial differences with his own case.


A Constitutional Failure: The Damian Green case highlights the need for a written constitution, argues Tom Griffin.

Immigration islands


The Return of Enoch: Enoch Powell's repatriation agenda must not be rehabilitated, argues Sunder Katwala.


The ugly economics of immigration: Paul Kingsnorth on why the left is out of step with working class interests.


Immigration and the Politics of Resentment: Shamser Sinha suggests the real problem is a politics that turns neighbour against neighbour.

A neoliberal kingdom


Britain’s neo-liberal state: The financial crisis exposes the need for democratic modernisation, argue Gerry Hassan and Anthony Barnett.


MODERN LIBERTY



Digital Privacy Wars: Guy Aitchison flags up a debate on the threat business poses to digital privacy


The Stalker State: Phil Booth of No2ID on the proposed Comms database


Say 'No' to 42 days: Sign Amnesty's petition against extending pre-charge detention


What do we do now?: Anthony Barnett assesses the stakes for for liberals and radicals in David Davis's campaign against the erosion of rights and liberties


The Abundance of Caution: an authoritative essay by Anthony Barnett sets out the case against 42 Days

Labour After Brown

The next left -Life after the Labour Party: Gerry Hassan sees a historic opportunity for the emergence of a post-New Labour left.

Scottish Labour, where's the coffee?: Gerry Hassan assesses the prospects for Scottish Labour and its new leader.

Lesson for the Left from Chile to Britain: Hassan Akram offers a global perspective on Labour's malaise.

From Milibland to Johnson land?: Jeremy Gilbert argues for Labour without neo-liberalism.

Magical thinking on Britishness: Anthony Barnett critiques Liam Byrne on fraternity.

Rule of law at risk: Geoffrey Bindman calls for a turn away from the marketisation of government.

A new Bill of Rights for Britain?: Guy Aitchison analyses Parliament's proposed new Bill of Rights.

Miliband - by our rights we will know you: Claire O'Brien puts forward a new progressive vision for Labour.

Recapturing liberal Britain: David Marquand challenges Labour's constitutional orthodoxy.

Miliband and the Liberal Democrats: James Graham on the case for realignment.

What is Labour's British story?: Writing from Scotland, Gerry Hassan widens the OurKingdom debate on Labour's future.

This is not Brown's crisis but Britain's: David Marquand says social democracy is bust and Britain may be too.

The Challenges for Miliband's Progressive Fusion: Fabian Society head Sunder Katwala responds to David Miliband.

England Awakes?

England, Britain and multiculturalism: an OurKingdom exchange

A mild awakening?, England's turn? by David Goodhart

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Is Cameron the next Kinnock?

1 - 05 - 2008
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Anthony Barnett (London, OK): Over a year ago a Blairite told me he thought that David Cameron would be the Tory Neil Kinnock - the leader who would make his party electable but not get it, or himself, elected. I was unconvinced. But now that the Conservatives under Cameron are about to sweep to local election victories across the country I'm thinking that maybe there is something in it.. The trigger was getting the Political Home Index survey (which is of supposed insiders - declaration of interest, I'm one) on whether Cameron had what it takes. It was completed early this week and reported under the cryptic headline Cameron has not Sealed the Deal Here is the result:

In other words, decent sounding chap for a man from advertising but not a "national leader". The thought that Cameron does not have what it takes grew listening to the Today interviews with him and Gordon Brown this week. The Brown premiership is an unfolding disaster and Cameron does well enough in holding his own, ensuring the Tories are not unattractive - a considerable achievement. But he is not winning it as a potential PM.

Take Prime Minister's questions today. I'll leave it to Fraser Nelson and Iain Dale to dispute who bettered who in gladiatorial terms. Cameron decided to show he could attack on substance and policy. But he had not really mastered the argument. He went for Brown on 42 day. The killer point in any argument with the PM on this is that Brown singled out his approach to terrorism as a key indicator of the "change' he would represent from Blair. He would be cool, calm and build a consensus. On issues such as detention without charge he would draw public support behind a British strategy rather than grandstanding on the issue as Blair did. And he got a consensus! Permit intercept evidence; allow post-charge questioning; retain 28 days as the outer limit - all this gave the police the powers to pursue and hold those they suspected of terrorism for as long as they liked - provided they charged them after a maximum of four weeks of incarceration. Why has Brown thrown away the consensus he pledged to build and which the other two main parties wanted to participate in? This was the damning point Cameron failed to use in his follow-up questions. It is about whether he really gets the essence of the issue and the larger picture. It seemed to me he didn't - even though I thought he was right to stake out his policies on this ground.

What I'm feeling, and the PHI survey suggests it is shared, is that the Tory lead is built on the fact that the country has "had enough" of Gordon Brown whatever his considerable merits. Now to suffer the fate of Kinnock involves having your Margaret Thatcher pushed out of office before you can beat her in an election. The moment she went and Major replaced her, Labour's lead crashed and John Major won 1992 election.

What if Brown can't survive hideous polls and a drop of 30 per cent in house prices? Suppose - just suppose, because the point of this post is to reflect on true resilience of David Cameron - that David Miliband became Labour leader in a year's time. I think we'd find the personalisation of politics will take the wind out of the Tory sails. For comparative purposes look at the interview the Foreign Secretary gave Andrew Marr on Sunday:

"We've got to tell a story and understand where this country stands in the world. Because actually British decline is over. We're respected around the world... London is a city now that people seek to emulate rather than deride... we should admit it's very difficult when you've been in power for ten or eleven years, is to be the agents of change in politics, to recognise that there are people outside the conventions of party politics who are actually challenging us to think in new and creative ways. And as a government it's doubly important that we are actually understanding that yearning for political reform and backing it up.... last year. I said that a Brown government would be defined as the government that put more power and more control in the hands of people. How... ? First opportunity in education and housing is at the centre of our agenda. Secondly... we've got to build up a sense of community values. And thirdly, we've got to recognise that in the modern world if you want to do good in Britain you've got to do good outside Britain as well because we live in a smaller world."

I think there is a lot wrong with Miliband's approach such as his shameless advocacy of the Iraq invasion even now, or, here in the above quote, the absurd account of what it means to put "more power and control in the hands of the people". My point is only to make a contrast: Miliband has a world-view and an instinctive feel for the larger context. Irrespective of whether he is right or not, he appears attractive and authentic in his global judgement. Cameron lacks this quality. For good reason. How can he even have a solid worldview? Is he for the UK leaving the European Convention on Human Rights or for staying in? Er, pass. Or is he interested in democracy? If he is, I missed it. Cameron has taken his party back to one-nation conservatism, a natural place for someone from his background (think of Macmillan). But this organic, rooted Toryism drew its self-confidence from the Imperial experience and treated concepts (like democracy) as something only foreigners needed, while we just toasted the Queen. When it worked, boy did it work! When he strove to modernise Labour's version of "consensus politics" Kinnock strove to achieve his version of 'one nation' politics. As I say, it works fine against a fatally wounded leader and it makes you electable. But who woul,d want to elect it if there was a new alternative?

PS: Cameron has just delivered a robust speech to the Institute of Directors headlined that with him "Britain can do the change" (as in do Hokey-Cokey - that's what it's all about!). It well illustrates my point. He says:

But I know what many of you will be thinking. You're thinking: alright, you've changed the Conservative Party and you've shown you can do politics. But can you do change where it matters - in real life? But would you actually make any difference?

"You're sticking to Labour spending plans."

"You're in favour of Blair's reforms."

"You're not prepared to be really bold."

So what's the point? What will a Conservative Government actually do that's different?

Labour

Cameron's answer is not a strategy but better policies on welfare, education and prisons. He is talking to global capitalists and tells them he knows they need less tax and regulation (when all the big guns are calling for more regulation of the financial markets). There is no sense that he has any measure of the global forces now in play.  As I say, up against Brown who also presented himself as "the change" Cameron will score. But if the interests represented by New Labour have the confidence to replace Brown...

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Ray Bell (not verified) said:

Thu, 2008-05-01 18:44

"I think Cameron took Brown apart completely."

The way the Daily Record reported it, you'd think it was the other way round. But I actually watched some of the deabte, and you're right. Brown is a ditherer and has no leg to stand on.

Guy AC (not verified) said:

Thu, 2008-05-01 18:01

I just watched PMQs. I think Cameron took Brown apart completely.

You ask, "Why has Brown thrown away the consensus he pledged to build and which the other two main parties wanted to participate in? This was the damning point Cameron failed to use in his follow-up questions. "

Cameron did address this point and I think he was bang on. He said that, as with the 10p tax where Brown wanted to pose as a taxcutter to wrongfoot the Tories, the 42 days was a case of Brown putting "political calculation and self interest" above the national interest. I was also pleased that Cameron pointed out how these kinds of policies risk alienating the Muslim community, rather than focussing entirely on the (more traditionally Tory) civil libertarian argument.

ukliberty (not verified) said:

Thu, 2008-05-01 10:33

Anthony, you can tell when a Government should be put out of its misery when it starts to satirise itself:

I said that a Brown government would be defined as the government that put more power and more control in the hands of people. How… ? First, opportunity in education and housing is at the centre of our agenda.

Kay (not verified) said:

Thu, 2008-05-01 09:39

Cameron is engaged in classic opposition politics. His recent admission that he hasn’t managed to rise above “punch and judy” for example. What Britain needs now is a political figure of genuine vision and stature because the cycle of politics begun by Thatcher has played itself out – all parties inhabit the ground that she first defined. That new vision is unlikely to come from the Tory party because they still rely on little Englanders for their core support and in the globalised age their isolationism is untenable. It is also unlikely to come from a Labour party that (and I say this as an instinctive Labour supporter) has become comfortable in power and whose party hierarchy is well versed in making sure that candidates who progress are “one of us”.

David (not verified) said:

Thu, 2008-05-01 08:22

Agreed, Anthony. He did sort of outline his grand vision at the Tory conference in the autumn: giving people more responsibility for making and influencing the important decisions closer to where they are affected by them, e.g. in education, health, local democracy. This could have been the basis for a synthesis between the classic Tory theme of rolling back the power of the state and a more Liberal-type commitment to democratic reform and building up communities. But it doesn't seem to have taken off: too preoccupied with day-to-day Punch-and-Judy politics and grabbing soundbytes on national stories?

David, aka Britology Watch

Gareth Young (not verified) said:

Thu, 2008-05-01 08:04

The best description I heard of Cameron was "he's an eel in a suit".

That about sums him up.

But I think it's unfair to single him out for criticism, Gordon Brown has completely failed to distinguish himself from Blair. What are his big policies?

Cameron's selling point is that he is not Gordon Brown. That will be enough to win him the general election, with or without policies.

ourkingdom (not verified) said:

Thu, 2008-05-01 07:41

David: Thanks, you well describe the positioning problem but this could be overcome if Cameron had his own coherent worldview and a strategy which was about where British conservatism should take us in the next decades - even if this was very similar to New Labour's direction. But he'd need to be able to articulate his basic strategy on the national question and the EU question as well as finance and war. On the l;atter by implication his approach is similar to Blair's not rethought and this is going to mean trouble for him.

Anthony

David (not verified) said:

Thu, 2008-05-01 07:29

You could be right, Anthony. Cameron has failed to stake out a credible position for the Tories, distinctive from that of New Labour, on their model for society, on the economy (despite the present woes) or international affairs. One of the reasons for this is not just that Labour is still occupying the 'centre ground' like a dog in a manger, but it's even occupying the traditional Tory ground.

On society: New Labour / Brown have a hierarchical view of society - a class society in all but name. He talks of giving people the opportunity to move up the scale, with social elevation being defined in relation to economic and career success. But it's still a winners and losers society, and New Labour are enamoured with the wealth and privileges of the 'top'. What 'New Conservative' alternative has Cameron got to offer to this Old-Tory New Labourism?

On economics: New Labour are of course the inheritors of Thatcherite market economics: advocacy of private enterprise, and rolling back the barriers of the state in favour of a demand-based, market-orientated economy. The Tories believe in market economics, too. They can't sell a 'hard', neo-Thatcherite version of it; but Labour have collared the market for the soft version.

On international affairs: New Labour is for ever talking up its pro-global capital credentials: London the financial capital of the world and an attractive base for wealthy investors from throughout the world; dependency of the UK on, and engagement in, a globalising economy. And, on the other hand, it also talks the more traditional leftist talk of internationalism: concern for world poverty; active engagement in international efforts to combat climate change; peacekeeping, the UN, etc. The only place for Cameron to go to establish a niche New Tory position would be Europe . . . Well, that's a non-starter then.

The difference between Cameron now and Kinnock then, however, is the strength of the Liberal Democrats and the willingness of voters to vote Lib Dem tactically, something that works against both Labour and the Tories. So there's a much stronger prospect for a hung parliament; which is about the best chance we've got for real constitutional and electoral reform.

David, aka Britology Watch

Hamish (not verified) said:

Fri, 2008-05-02 20:06

If Gordon Brown remains PM at the next Westminster election then it's difficult to see how Cameron could lose.

Ray Bell (not verified) said:

Sat, 2008-05-03 09:05

"it’s difficult to see how Cameron could lose."

Well, a high Lib Dem vote across the board, but especially in England, plus Plaid and the SNP taking some new territory. This seems likely - although less so with Plaid perhaps.

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