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The British Crisis

Do the public really want to change ‘the system’?: Stuart Wilks-Heeg presents polling evidence
 

Don't trust MPs' constitutional poker: Guy Aitchison supports the call for a citizens' convention
 

Brown's 'National Council for Democratic Renewal': Anthony Barnett on the Prime Minister's desperate proposal
 

More in this series

Who Polices The Police?

Open letter to the BBC: Guy Aitchison and Stuart White raise serious concerns with the BBC's coverage of G20 policing
 

The Met must stop spinning G20 policing: Defend Peaceful Protest on the Met's response to its critics
 

Met watchdog criticises G20 policing: Anna Bragga reports on the MPA meeting
 

Our campaign to defend peaceful protest launches: Guy Aitchison and Andy May have some questions for the Met following the policing of the G20
 

The architectural photographer as terrorist: Edward Denison recounts his detention for photographing a police station
 

Letter to the Beeb: Guy Aitchison responds to a complacent and misleading feature on "kettling" for the BBC website
 

Not "kettling" but "bubbling": Clare Coatman on polarised views of police and protesters
 

Kettling - another special relationship: Charles Shaw's eye-witness account of the practice's US debut
 

Practical proposals to reform the police: Guy Aitchison invites OK readers to add to a list
 

Met orders review into policing of protests: Guy Aitchison comments on Sir Paul Stephenson's suggestions
 

Trapped and beaten by police in Climate Camp: Testimony from Chris Abbott

More in this series

The Damian Green Affair


A Very British Arrest: Laura Sandys on the precedent of her father's 1939 experience.


One reason why the police are dangerous, undemocratic and stupid: Anthony Barnett condemns an attack on democracy.


Questioned by the Met: An MP's experience: Tony Clarke on the crucial differences with his own case.


A Constitutional Failure: The Damian Green case highlights the need for a written constitution, argues Tom Griffin.

Immigration islands


The Return of Enoch: Enoch Powell's repatriation agenda must not be rehabilitated, argues Sunder Katwala.


The ugly economics of immigration: Paul Kingsnorth on why the left is out of step with working class interests.


Immigration and the Politics of Resentment: Shamser Sinha suggests the real problem is a politics that turns neighbour against neighbour.

A neoliberal kingdom


Britain’s neo-liberal state: The financial crisis exposes the need for democratic modernisation, argue Gerry Hassan and Anthony Barnett.


MODERN LIBERTY



Digital Privacy Wars: Guy Aitchison flags up a debate on the threat business poses to digital privacy


The Stalker State: Phil Booth of No2ID on the proposed Comms database


Say 'No' to 42 days: Sign Amnesty's petition against extending pre-charge detention


What do we do now?: Anthony Barnett assesses the stakes for for liberals and radicals in David Davis's campaign against the erosion of rights and liberties


The Abundance of Caution: an authoritative essay by Anthony Barnett sets out the case against 42 Days

Labour After Brown

The next left -Life after the Labour Party: Gerry Hassan sees a historic opportunity for the emergence of a post-New Labour left.

Scottish Labour, where's the coffee?: Gerry Hassan assesses the prospects for Scottish Labour and its new leader.

Lesson for the Left from Chile to Britain: Hassan Akram offers a global perspective on Labour's malaise.

From Milibland to Johnson land?: Jeremy Gilbert argues for Labour without neo-liberalism.

Magical thinking on Britishness: Anthony Barnett critiques Liam Byrne on fraternity.

Rule of law at risk: Geoffrey Bindman calls for a turn away from the marketisation of government.

A new Bill of Rights for Britain?: Guy Aitchison analyses Parliament's proposed new Bill of Rights.

Miliband - by our rights we will know you: Claire O'Brien puts forward a new progressive vision for Labour.

Recapturing liberal Britain: David Marquand challenges Labour's constitutional orthodoxy.

Miliband and the Liberal Democrats: James Graham on the case for realignment.

What is Labour's British story?: Writing from Scotland, Gerry Hassan widens the OurKingdom debate on Labour's future.

This is not Brown's crisis but Britain's: David Marquand says social democracy is bust and Britain may be too.

The Challenges for Miliband's Progressive Fusion: Fabian Society head Sunder Katwala responds to David Miliband.

England Awakes?

England, Britain and multiculturalism: an OurKingdom exchange

A mild awakening?, England's turn? by David Goodhart

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Richard Holme 1936 - 2008

6 - 05 - 2008
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Stuart Weir (Cambridge, Democratic Audit): Richard Holme, or Lord Holme of Cheltenham (being a peer suited him), who has just died, deserves a place in the pitifully meagre pantheon of modern British democrats. Trevor Smith’s fine obituary in today’s Guardian has already set out the important role he played in establishing the Cook-Maclennan pact in 1997 as well as assisting the agreement between the Liberal Party and the Social Democrats and his work in various bodies committed to democratic politics and constitutional reform, not least his own Centre for Constitutional Reform.

Richard gave me valuable assistance when I was setting up Charter 88 in 1988. I was committed then to persuading 88 significant and representative figures from all walks of life and all political parties to sign the Charter (the number grew considerably). Richard’s Centre was full of the “great and the good” – ideal signatories for a venture that began in the New Statesman. Richard cooperated from the start. While he was committed to the principle that we should be citizens not subjects, he was however alarmed by our demand for a written constitution and advised us in his silky rather pedagogic way that we should drop it. (It is I think to Charter’s credit that talk of a written constitution – just talk, mind – is now more or less routine. Then it was positively revolutionary.) Fortunately, Lord Scarman, the law lord and a member of the Centre, was absolutely for a written constitution – and that swung it. Thus began a series of breakfast meetings at the Aldwych hotel and Richard became a joint chairman of the Charter along with me.

Much later, Richard invited Democratic Audit to give evidence on war powers to the House of Lords Constitution Committee that he chaired. This was an experience to disabuse anyone who believes that the House of Lords is full of wise folk who give the nation the benefit of their experience of life. That committee was and presumably still is dominated by voluble ignoramuses. How on earth Richard steered the committee to a half-way decent report on war powers still staggers me, but it is clear that his invitation to the Audit was part of his overall strategy.

PS from Anthony Barnett: For me Richard Holme personified both the far-sightedness and frustration of the Liberal in Britain. Perhaps because he nearly became an American in California and was clearly at home there he was a modern person. He saw clearly the pre-democratic inadequacies of the British system and wanted to modernise them. But at the same time, as well as a love of effective influence (another American style characteristic), and a mandarin precision he did not want to shake the bars. He wanted modernisation from above and from within. Because he saw clearly, he understood the weakness and vulnerability of the UK should the democratic winds began to blow. In this sense his reasonable but far-reaching reformism was intended to be pre-emptive rather than in any way insurrectionary. Stuart reports here that it was Lord Scarman whose influence ensured that Charter 88 included the call for a written constitution - without which I'd not have signed it. I didn't know this. Good for Leslie Scarman! I recall when Scarman decided to launch the Charter's strategy plan a year later - which was designed to turn it from a protest into an organisation. The plan had the highly optimistic title 'We Can make it happen in the Next Ten Years'. Originally Scarman told me he could not make the launch, but after he read the document he telephoned and said "This is very ambitious. I'm coming". What he liked was that it was genuinely radical or, if you prefer, 'unreasonable'. For reform to have any chance in Britain it has to take a risk and run the rapids of Establishment scorn and our pernicious media. Richard didn't want this. I tried, even at the end to suggest he might want to add a call for a written constitution to his 'memo to Gordon Brown' then on the verge of becoming Prime Minister. He was elegant and polite in agreeing to put it onto the web, it must be one of the last things he published, but true to himself he retained his 'thus far and no further' approach to reform that I so associate with his Party.

In a sense he also left his own obituary in an advisory memo to Gordon Brown that he read out to a meeting convened by the Smith Institute and which was then published here in Our Kingdom in June 2007 (opens word doc), just before Brown's Goverrance green paper the following month. It is a masterly document from an experienced hand in these matters. If only Brown had taken it fully to heart. After all, it didn't call for a written constitution but it did grasp the fundamentals that had to be faced up for reform to hope to be effective.,

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