openDemocracy

delicious | digg | reddit | newsvine | furl | google | yahoo | technorati | diigolet

Syndicate content

Attacking the victims

Blaming the Kurds for the dispute over Kirkuk is to miss the forest for the trees, says Kani Xulam in his response to Sheth Jerjis

Editor's note: As language is invariably tied up in debates over place and identity, the article has retained the Kurdish and Arabic transliteration of the city's name, Kirkuk.

I could not finish reading - at least in one sitting - Sheth Jerjis's piece, "The fate of a city". It was not the length of the article that threw me off, nor was it its strident pro-Turkmen sentiment. What put me off was the startling conflation of culprits, the misidentification of Kurds as "new" Baathists and, worse, a longing, albeit unstated, for the good old days of Saddam Hussein and his bloodthirsty thugs. My disagreement aside, terrorism.openDemocracy deserves kudos for providing a forum for such of views, for they are much less dangerous aired than kept within.

Kani Xulam is a Kurdish activist and director of the American Kurdish Information Network.

He is responding to Sheth Jerjis, "The fate of a city,"
24 July 2007.
Mr. Jerjis has one thing right: the wealth of the city, the oil that lies under it, is the source of its grief. But anybody who calls himself a human rights researcher needs to approach this issue with the scalpel of a physician rather than the saw of Mr. Jerjis. That means putting the wrongs of Saddam Hussein under the microscope alongside those of the Kurds, if the latter ask for more than their fair share. And it is not just history that needs to be aired in a dispassionate fashion here, but human nature as well. But don't look for these things in Mr. Jerjis's piece.

According to Mr. Jerjis, the city of Kirkuk doesn't belong to the Kurds. His source for this "declaration" is his own very website. Imagine if I said the world belongs to me - with apologies to Descartes here - not because I understand it, but because I say so. This kind of language can be expected from a bigot who mistakes his rancour for logic, but Mr. Jerjis is the chairman of the Iraqi Turkmen Human Rights Research Foundation, a non-profit in Holland.

What does he read at that foundation? Has he ever bothered to look into the eight Anfal campaigns that targeted the Kurds for extermination in Iraq? Does he know the Arabic word, wafidin, a reference to the Arab "newcomers", who were brought to Kirkuk on the orders of Saddam Hussein? Alas, his pen has no ink for them; whatever it has is reserved for the Kurds. Can Kirkuk ever make the leap to "peace and stability", the things that he says he wants, with such fuzzy analysis?

Light must be shed on some of his most glaring omissions. The Kurds were the only supporters of the invasion and occupation of Iraq, he says. Does he really mean that? He pays the Kurds a big compliment in so saying. I have some good news for him: we are not as strong as he thinks! Ahmad Chalabi is not a Kurd. Nor is Sayyed Abdul-Aziz Al-Hakim, the head of the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq. These men played a bigger role in bringing Uncle Sam to Baghdad. The Kurds simply became the accidental beneficiaries of a botched policy. But, alas, such an explanation does not fit the conspiracy theories that abound in west Asia, which Mr. Jerjis, it seems, subscribes to as well.

But finger pointing will not get us anywhere. When Saddam Hussein was in power, neither the Kurds nor the Turkmen counted for much in Kirkuk, which the dictator called "at Tamim". Now that Americans are in Baghdad, the city has regained its old name, and though it has been stumbling, there has been some progress. The elections of January 30, 2005, questioned by Mr. Jerjis - and this writer will not second guess him by saying they were "free and fair" - were, nevertheless, if analysed in their proper contexts, the fairest and the freest in the history of Iraq. In the city of Kirkuk, 26 of the 41 contested council seats went to the Kurds. Turkmen won nine seats and Arabs got the remaining six. It is the job of these elected deputies, with the help of those of us who call ourselves human rights activists, to find common ground in shaping the future of the city.

But it is not Mr. Jerjis alone who opposes the Kurdish claims to their lands or the scheduled referendum to ratify their gains. The congressionally mandated Iraq Study Group has urged for a delay as well. Somewhat gratuitously, the International Crisis Group has gone even further and asked for a revamp of Article 140 of the Iraqi Constitution to placate the Sunni Arabs at the expense of the Kurds. Turkey has also joined the fray and declared Kirkuk a part of its sphere of influence.

Why this enmity and indifference towards the Kurds? If I could paraphrase Winston Churchill, I would say: never have so many tried so hard to deny so few their most basic human rights. It makes a sad commentary on the state of affairs in west Asia.

Average rating
(2 votes)
 
This article is published by Kani Xulam, , and openDemocracy.net under a Creative Commons licence. You may republish it free of charge with attribution for non-commercial purposes following these guidelines. If you teach at a university we ask that your department make a donation. Commercial media must contact us for permission and fees. Some articles on this site are published under different terms.
Peter Travels | Wed, 2007-08-01 20:13
After reading Xulam’s response to Jerjis, I found myself returning once more to Jerjis’ article, feeling that I may have missed something, or perhaps read the wrong article. But I had not. Nowhere could I find what Xulam called “a longing, albeit unstated, for the good old days of Saddam Hussein and his bloodthirsty thugs.” Instead, I found several stated references which clearly show the opposite: • Calling for the return of those “forcefully deported” under the Baath regime • “The return of land confiscated by the Ba'ath Regime” • “The resettlement of the approximately 270,000 Arabs who were brought into Kerkuk by Saddam Hussein's Arabification policy”, and • Condemning “decades of manipulation, distortion and lack of reliable Kerkuk population and census registers” – a clear reference to the Baath regime. No serious and objective reader could possibly confuse the above statements for a sick longing for Saddam and his thugs. Xulam argues that Jerjis should put the “the wrongs of Saddam Hussein under the microscope alongside those of the Kurds, if the latter ask for more than their fair share.” But why should he? We are all aware of Saddam’s horrible misrule, and as Jerjis clearly makes the case, Turkmen today are more harmed by Kurdish encroachment, now that Saddam is in his grave. It is not to say that one is worse than the other, but rather, neither is good enough. If Xulam is truly concerned about human rights, then he should assess Jerjis’ claims, which are plenty, “under the microscope, alongside those of” international human rights standards, and nothing less. Xulam wonders whether Jerjis is aware of the Arabs that were moved to Kirkuk by Saddam. But I had no such questions. Because I read Jerjis’ piece carefully, I could see that he has heard of them, and indeed calls for their resettlement, all 270,000 of them – a figure that he provides. Xulam takes Jerjis to task for “fuzzy analysis”. I would take Xulam to task for fuzzy reading. Furthermore, Jerjis does not state that “The Kurds were the only supporters of the invasion and occupation of Iraq”, as Xulam would have us believe. Instead, Jerjis states that “Kurdish political actors are almost the only supporters of occupation in the region”, using the present tense, and without reference to the invasion. Xulam’s unnecessary history lesson about Chalabi and Al-Hakim, one we’re all acquainted with, is therefore rendered irrelevant. Xulam then proceeds to call the January 2005 elections as the “fairest and the freest in the history of Iraq”, as if that would negate Jerjis’ legitimate claims about electoral fraud, including “an estimated 228,000 irregular votes”. Despite Jerjis’ extensive catalogue of allegations that Kurds have essentially overtaken Kirkuk’s administrative structure and marginalized other communities, Xulam lectures Jerjis about finding “common ground in shaping the future of the city.” One would have expected Xulam to lecture his fellow Kurds about good governance first. Either way, the first step in finding common ground, Mr Xulam, would be for you to read Jerjis’ article once more, and understand his concerns fully, instead of writing such a flawed critique, or accusing him of subscribing to the conspiracy theories of west Asia.
turkmeneli kerkuk | Thu, 2007-08-02 13:56
lets get things right. can any body even claim Turkmen for any of several anti-democratic or any "terror flirt " act like Kurdish politician can easily be juged for??? what a pro Saddam - wanna be writer - says is the only critic there could be made against Turkmen. best regards

Post new comment

The content of this field is kept private and will not be shown publicly.
  • Allowed HTML tags: <a> <em> <strong> <cite> <code> <ul> <ol> <li> <dl> <dt> <dd><b> <i> <br> <p> <div> <img>
  • Lines and paragraphs break automatically.
  • You may quote other posts using [quote] tags.
More information about formatting options

Stat of the day

2000km

The range of the Iranian Shabab-3 missile

New Site

Security updates

To subscribe to our hard-hitting security briefings, click

here

.

Donate