Ideas: all articles

Wednesday 7th October

Irving Kristol: Recollections

A contemporary of "neoconservatism's godfather" describes the arc of an intellectual life from post-New Deal assimilationism through McArthyism and CIA-funded organs of Cold War soft power
Thursday 1st October

Positively Plural: a response to Mark Perryman

On this subject, see also Jeremy's debate with Rosemary Bechler: 'Which Plurality?'

Mark Perryman has written a typically astute analysis of the current predicament of the Labour Party for Compass (We’re All in this Together: Towards the Political Practice of a Plural Left, PDF here). In it, Mark essentially argues that for Labour to recover any sense of a radical project, then it has got to accept a situation in which it cannot be seen as the sole representative of progressive politics in the UK electoral arena: a role which it has taken upon itself throughout most of its history.

I entirely agree with Mark's analysis, although I think his narrative is either a little disingenuous (which is forgivable, given the need to focus minds urgently on the issues at stake) or slightly mistaken. For while Mark identifies this situation with the loss of Labour's legitimacy following the invasion of Iraq, I think it is clear that it has in fact obtained, to all intents and purposes, since the early 1980s.

Where were you in '92?

A little self-aggrandisement now: I hope I will be forgiven. When I was 20 years old, in 1992 (it may have been very late in 1991), I took a motion from my polytechnic Labour club to the national Labour Students conference. The great cause amongst mainstream Labour students at the time was proportional representation. All right-thinking young Kinnockites knew (despite Kinnock's own reluctance) that persuading the party to adopt a commitment to implementing the Additional Members system for the House of Commons - in the teeth of Roy Hattersley's reactionary resistance - was the single greatest struggle we faced that year. (Try to remember that at this time, Hattersley was still widely understood as being on the right of the party, while Brian Gould was seen as a leading moderniser. That's how far to the left of anything we can imagine today the Labour mainstream was.). I had persuaded my Labour club to let me take a motion to the conference which went further, however. This motion argued that in supporting PR, we were, rightly, implicitly supporting an end to the dream of majority Labour government, and accepting the principle of political pluralism. As such, our motion argued, we should embrace the new future and open exploratory fraternal talks with the student wings of other potentially progressive parties, most notably the Liberal Democrats.

The motion fell, of course, in the face of the dogged insistence of most of my soft-left comrades that this would be a capitulation to bourgeois liberals, and that once we had PR we would quickly and easily build the mass party for democratic socialism that would deliver us over 50% of the popular vote. I'm not joking. That's really what most of them believed...

Saturday 26th September

Liberalism does not imply Democracy

An OurKingdom conversation. This is Jeremy Gilbert's response to Rosemary Bechler in OK's debate on liberalism and democracy [History: Jeremy Gilbert Rosemary Bechler > Jeremy Gilbert > Rosemary Bechler (part 1; part 2) > this post]

Agreeing to Disagree?

Reading Rosemary's double response to me Unselfish Individualism and Power and the Many, I'm reminded of a conference at which I heard Ernesto Laclau reply to a question about the differences between his philosophy and that of Alain Badiou. In response to a technical query about their respective attitudes to post-Cantorian set theory and its implications for the ontology of the political event, Laclau quipped ‘The real difference between myself and Badiou... is that Badiou is a Maoist and I am a Gramscian'

Not funny? Well, maybe you had to be there.

What got a laugh from the audience that day was the recognition of the truth implicit in Laclau's remark - that discussion of the technical differences between a pair of contrasting philosophical positions must at some point cease, if it is not to degenerate into endless, circular babble. It ceases at the point where each side accepts that there are some fundamental differences at stake which neither party it likely to be talked out of.

I think Rosemary has helpfully clarified the differences between us, because to the majority of her remarks I can only respond that I simply disagree, not with many of the finer points or details but fundamentally. What is clear is that the difference between myself and Rosemary... is that she is a liberal and I am not.

I really don't mean this in a pejorative sense. (I know there is a danger that it will be taken as such, because both Rosemary and I have backgrounds in political traditions which are contemptuous of liberalism.) I also don't mean ‘liberal' in a casual sense: certainly not in the current United States usage of a general supporter of social liberalism and welfare egalitarianism. I mean quite specifically that Rosemary's operating assumptions and priorities, like most of her civic republican sources, are clearly those of the great liberal tradition which is, after all, the major tradition of Western political thought in the modern era.

The assumption that political and cultural individualism does not necessarily imply an assent to the basic philosophical assumptions of the most violent kinds of possessive individualism; the belief that communities are or should be formed on the basis of individuals choosing freely to belong to them; the belief (implicit or explicit) that the rights and freedoms of individuals are the highest good to be defended by any political project; these are the core assumptions of the liberal tradition.

Of course Rosemary is a much more interesting and thoughtful sort of liberal than say, Richard Reeves in the UK and his hero John Stuart Mill (so too are David Marquand, or most followers of the great philosopher of republican justice, John Rawls). Nonetheless, most of Rosemary's criticisms of me amount to criticisms of any position - radical or conservative, left or right - which does not share these cores assumptions of liberalism.

Now I recognise that, not only are these Rosemary's assumptions: they are also likely to be beliefs which many, perhaps most, oD readers will not only share, but will regard as too self-evidently true to be rationally questionable. On top of all this, it is important to recognise the enormous power and success of liberalism in recent years, as it has transformed the world in its image and freed up the lives of millions of people in the process. Nonetheless, it is also crucial to recognise that for all of their power and global popularity, these liberal assumption have not been and are not shared by a vast majority of human beings at any time in history: and they are also assumptions which I freely, gladly, joyfully admit that I do not share.

Friday 25th September

Religion in schools, finally

Solovestky Monastery 

Russian Orthodox Solovetsky Monastery complex, founded in the second quarter of the 15th century 

 

Russia's Orthodox Church has finally won its battle to make religious education compulsory in schools, says Russian Orthodox Church official Viktor Malukhin. But the secularists have won concessions too

Wednesday 23rd September

Neo-conservatism: Irving Kristol’s living legacy

A pioneer has died, but the intellectual-political current he led is strong inside and outside the citadel
Thursday 10th September

"Born-again" Muslims: cultural schizophrenia

The Qur'an as training-manual in a war on unbelief. Plus: Omar al-Qattan tours Disneyland Islam, Murat Belge tracks the fundamentalist mind (archive)
Thursday 13th August

Antichrist: the visual theology of Lars Von Trier

The Danish filmmaker uses image as a "celluloid icon" to explore the depths of the Christian unconscious
Wednesday 29th July

Leszek Kolakowski: thinker for our time

The Polish philosopher demolished Marxism in the west. How did he get away with it?
Tuesday 21st July

Leszek Kolakowski, 1927-2009: a master figure

A voice for reason, truth and decency amid the deceits of the communist era is stilled
Monday 23rd February

Musawah: solidarity in diversity

In her concluding report from the launch of a global initiative to reform Muslim Family Law, Cassandra Balchin finds solidarity in diversity and a growing convergence around human rights values. 
Friday 13th February

Musawah: there cannot be justice without equality

Muslim scholars and activists from forty eight countries are today launching a global initiative insisting that in the twenty first century "there cannot be justice without equality" between men and women.
Saturday 24th January

Barack Obama and the American void

Barack Obama remains a political enigma. Is that because he doesn't believe in politics?
Tuesday 20th January

The politics of ME, ME, ME

The shrillness and point-scoring of much net-based discussion is closing the space for politics
Tuesday 9th December

John Milton’s vision

The ideas of a great 17th-century English Christian radical can still subvert power  
Thursday 6th November

Along the precipice: visions of atheism in London

The visceral art of Francis Bacon exposes the shallow godlessness of the new atheists
Wednesday 29th October

Anatolian Muslimhood: humanising capitalism?

An influential Turkish network fuses faith and modernity in search of a new social order

Wednesday 22nd October

Following the cross: a journey with Russian pilgrims

For generation under communist rule religion was largely discouraged and heavily persecuted. But nearly twenty years after the collapse of the USSR worshippers and pilgrims are once again flocking to the country's revered shrines. Stella Rock joined Russian pilgrims in their spiritual attempt to unify and cleanse post-Soviet Russia.
Wednesday 24th September

Rediscovering Traditionalism

The pope's revival of the Latin mass has reignited a Catholic culture war his supporters mean to win

A debt in the life

The bursting of the credit boom is a lesson in the human as well as the financial cost of debt
Thursday 28th August

The neighbor in the self

Religions need to honestly see the outsider as a constituent of themselves to be true to their open promise.
Syndicate content