I am an American who has grown increasingly disenchanted with "the American story." Everyone seems to have one. As evidenced by the biography-laden speeches at the Republican National Convention, John McCain and Sarah Palin are running an entire campaign on the promise of the power of personal narrative: McCain's tenure as a POW; Palin's "hockey-mom" origins and moose-hunting proclivities; and, of course, their opponent's supposedly inferior narrative, his insufficiently American, American story.
The Republican candidates' crass deployment of identity politics is depressing; their attempt to lay claim to "true American patriotism" unsurprising at best. But we mustn't forget that "the American story" is a theme embraced by the Democrats as well, and that the effect of their narratives is equally problematic. Barack Obama has the single mother, Michelle Obama has the city-worker father, Joe Biden has the commute from Wilmington to Washington, D.C. They're blue-collar, hardworking, working-class, value-filled folks. Their parents pulled themselves up by the bootstraps. Their successes are proof of the endurance of the American dream.
I don't mean to mock the Obamas or Biden or dismiss their remarkable personal narratives. Nor do I deny that each has made what Michelle Obama memorably called "an improbable journey." But I do want to call into question the way these narratives are deployed, the language used to tell their tales of triumph, and the erasures that happen when we allow a single, limited version of "the American story" to become the template for all Americans. Ragini Tharoor Srinivasan graduated summa cum laude from Duke University with a major in Literature. She is the Managing Editor of India Currents, a California-based monthly magazine in circulation since 1987.
We are accustomed to hearing stories of the "ordinary" Americans whom politicians meet "every day" during their campaign stops and town hall meetings. I will never forget-, each candidate begins, filling in the blank with "the single parent," with "no health insurance," who works "the day shift and the night shift" and "can't afford college tuition," the military families, the blue-collar, hardworking people who have touched their lives and inspired their political journeys. During the primary season, John "the son of a mill worker" Edwards was particularly notorious for using such names and narratives to tell his tale of two Americas. Today, every candidate devotes some section of their remarks to comparable shout-outs.
Of course, there are struggling individuals and families in America, and of course, they deserve to be heard, represented, and advocated for. But to what extent are they invoked as a politically expedient way to bolster the candidate-in-question's own lower-middle-class credentials? We are so used to hearing the rhetoric - because, we assume, it is what is required to connect with the majority of Americans - that we aren't critical of its attendant condescension.
I was invigorated by Hillary Clinton's speech to the Democratic National Convention. But one thing she said seemed representative of all that irks me about political rhetoric. "I ran for president," she said, "... to provide opportunity to those who are willing to work hard for it and have that work rewarded, so they could save for college, a home, and retirement, afford gas and groceries, and have a little left over each month" (emphasis added).
A little left over each month. As a goal for a life? Why must the American dream be presented entirely in terms of work and reward - home, retirement, gas, groceries, savings - and no other aspect of the human condition?
Hillary Clinton did not say that "the single mom who adopted two kids with autism" deserves, just as much as she does, to be the first female president of the United States, that it is only a twist of fate that she, Hillary, is the Senator, and the single mom a reference in her speech. You will never hear Barack Obama say that every American deserves not just a college education, but an education from the likes of Columbia University and Harvard Law.
Rarely do we hear a candidate talk about the right of all Americans to be rewarded for their "thinking," the right that all Americans have to leisure and pleasure, to mental stimulation, to creative challenges, to fulfilling relationships, and an enjoyable life.
Instead, all we hear are references to how hardworking the ordinary American is, and what material rewards the ordinary American is entitled to as a result of that work. All we hear is that the politician, too, comes from a family of blue-collars and hard workers, and that America will reward those who put their nose to the grindstone and keep on grinding.
Not only does the repeated invocation of the "hard working American" delimit Americanness itself, but it also opens the way for the base sniping we have seen since the conventions: in a nation founded on the ideal of equal opportunity for individuals of inherently equal worth, we are now judging the worth of each other's working class credentials.
A little left over each month. Maybe the problem is not that the Democrats are dreaming too big - that, as Ted Kennedy said, Obama believes in "an America of high principle and bold endeavor" - but that even their standard is too narrow. The standard of the American dream that is evoked by today's politicians is a standard of the individual American as laborer and consumer. The American story we are told is a story of hard work and limited reward, of individual exceptionalism, and an illusory dream.
I
want to hear something more. I want to hear about the ideas that
changed these politicians' lives - ideas beyond work ethic. I want
to hear about the systems and circumstances - the schools, the neighborhoods,
the councils, the food eaten, the roads driven - that affect all
Americans differently. I want us to parse those differences instead
of continuing to fabricate our sameness.
We know the stock
American fairy tale; now it's time for nuance and depth. Politicians
should stop bludgeoning us with biography, stop condescending to
their constituents, and start talking about all the things that
matter more than the stories they so love to tell and that they think
we Americans so love to hear.



Comments
Very interesting:
"Rarely do we hear a candidate talk about the right of all Americans to be rewarded for their "thinking," the right that all Americans have to leisure and pleasure, to mental stimulation, to creative challenges, to fulfilling relationships, and an enjoyable life."
It suddenly makes me think that part of the problem may be with "Life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness"? I always assumed that this was an aspiration to mental stimulation and creative challenges. What else is positive liberty? Perhaps it is the world "pursuit"? It has a market connotation, an incremental smallness about it and by coming after liberty it pulls the whole phrase towards individual advancement.
I think this is a fantastic, well thought, and a thought provoking (and provocative) piece. The issue of identity politics as an instrument of electioneering is unfortunately neither restricted to America nor is there any difference in its usage in the contexts of low middle class and "people in the fringe of life". All that said, one has to wonder why smart politicians (and let's face, whatever you political persuasion, both Obama and McCain are intellectually bright) would use it to advance their political and personal goals. What I find interesting is Americans trust politicians who speak to the more important and perhaps larger issues that are encapsulated in the "beyond the limited reward" concept.
The language of the standard election rally is infused more with the idiom of the prosaic workaday life rather than anything that is exalted precisely because that is the only language that is understood well. This is not to suggest that there isn't any intellectual heft among the American or any other electorate. When the median household income is at roughly $35,000 a year it is hard to make a case for leisure, a Harvard education, or anything else that goes beyond the more immediate needs of life. Just because this is the language of discourse there is no need for a cynical appreciation that somehow the interlocutors in this conversation are debasing it all. I think it is unfair to say that either Republicans or Democrats want to concentrate only (or solely) on the least common denominator of our lives - which is food, clothing, shelter, and hard work. I think most sane politicians want us all to have more than what our current stations in life have to offer. However, in unequivocally articulating the aspirations to have "much more left over at the end of the month" one has to, as a corollary, be able to make the case for having enough to get by till the end of the month first.
I think Democrats constantly get hurt mostly because of their perceived concern for the elites in articulating a platform of high achievement. To a certain extent detractors from the Democratic caucus have a point. When you constantly talk about leisure, love, ethics, pursuit of happiness, "thinking" (to quote directly from the blog) you capture the attention of all 14 people in the world who have had an ivy league education. On the converse, that leaves behind about 10 million people who have a 4 year degree, which, from the standpoint of sheer numbers, captures the majority of the electorate. Why then would one blame the crass politicians for catering first to the interests of the majority when their political lives depended upon it? Of equal importance, why is it wrong to acknowledge that a majority of the world's richest country is still not all that rich and has resources that are ill matched to entertain the higher pursuits that can only be catered to by a significant disposable income? Maybe this is why politicians are afraid to remove themselves from the vernacular that includes the narrative of the hard working laborer who puts in 14 hour days to feed his autistic daughter bit?
I think, what would resonate better with me, is a tailored dialogue that speaks to one constituency at a time. This is an ideal, I recognize but nonetheless one we could come searingly close to. How about if we expect our politicians to not consider all of us as one monolithic piece of a robotic voting bloc all responding to the same rhetorical hooks that are standard fares in campaigns? How about if Obama comes out and says to the working class blue collar voters (is that a little superfluous or what - is there a sybaritic blue collar class?) that his duty is to provide them enough to get by each month and to the slightly well off that he aspires to send them off to college and to the well off that it is his desire that they look after the not so fortunate? Wouldn't this be better rather than evoking an unrealistic expectation that all politicians provide a more preposterously optimistic platform of high ideals that would just remain that - ideals? Isn't that one form of condescension as well?
Sri
I agree. Insofar as our elected officials promise to be more than managers of a huge bureaucracy, keepers of the the iron cage we all are in, they consistently fail to deliver on that promise: a promise that, for lack of a better term, I would call "the ethical life."
However, I wonder if this life as your piece imagines it doesn't omit something important, too:
Yes, by all means, let us stand up publicly for the importance of those things, and recognize that without them this "land of opportunity" is something of a sham. But if the above serves as a definition of the ethical life, then I think it portrays eloquently the positive attributes while prescinding from the negative (negative in the dialectical sense): such as discipline, struggle, sacrifice, and even the confrontation with death. For the positive ethical qualities emerge as ethical only through the work of the negative. What is leisure without purpose, but anomie? What is mental stimulation but ideological captivity, without an internal discipline to sustain it, ? What is a relationship without responsibility? And what is responsibility without the problem of ambiguity and guilt? How can life be enjoyed without some form of rapprochement with encroaching death? We pursue happiness, yes, but we are not infinite in our pursuits.
Nor are these questions merely speculative. A discussion of what it means to be American must, if it is to contain an ethical dimension, ask questions about the place of others, both in our own polity and in the world at large. All Americans, regardless of the color of their collars, are, as consumers, responsible for effects that ripple around the world--like it or not, between the hard-working parent saving a little each month in Philadelphia and the sweatshop bondsman in Indonesia there is a relation of more than missed solidarity. And consideration of the non-human other makes the case more emphatically. Where are the politicians giving us the strength to renounce our baleful habits, teaching us the fortitude to face a future of diminished means, showing us--by the example of a demonstrated commitment to equity and justice, and more importantly, by an ability to imagine alternatives to the present system of distribution--how to share?
I am tempted to conclude, rather patly, that the problem lies in the split capitalism effects between the two halves of the ethical. On the one hand, we have the freedom to consume, to indulge, even; on the other hand, we have the obligation to work. Political discourse straddles the split, but in vain do we wait for synthesis, which appears neither in Obama's hope-balloon nor in McCain's fizzled out (and thoroughly compromised) talk of sacrifice. For me, this is what Marx means when he talks about alienated labor as a misrecognized social relation. But the massive failures of state-sponsored Marxism make me think that it is also a problem of scale. Perhaps that explains, in part, the salience of the blue-collar "American," who in his disappearance makes the perfect floating signifier for complexities that we don't have the intellectual resources to contemplate, much less the spiritual discipline to contemplate compassionately.
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