The farcical convictions of three Al-Jazeerajournalists are mafia-style warnings that there is no safety in the
law, western governments, or in the international media. Egypt’s new army
regime is attempting to intimidate domestic opposition and cow its western
and former military chief Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi can rely at present on
considerable public support. But this support appears to be less substantial
than the Egyptian media machine projects, and will not last unless he is able to
address Egypt’s deep economic, political and social problems.
Three years on, the global significance of the Arab uprisings lies in the reminder of how brittle the seemingly invulnerable machinery of state can be. They remind us that another world is possible, and not just in the Middle East.
Violence in Egypt will only be reigned in when it is no longer useful
for the security services’ twin purposes of discrediting the Muslim Brotherhood
and discouraging popular mobilization aimed at making government responsive to
the needs of its citizens.
The Muslim Brotherhood’s atrocious record in government has obscured the nature of the army’s
coup, directed against the
Egyptian people and the revolutionary potential of their deep
disaffection with the old regime. As for the
remnants of that regime –
these elites are playing a game in which
instability is a vital ingredient.
The two and a half weeks between January 25 and February 11, 2011
proved that in Egypt there is a strong demand for social, political and
economic justice, and that the established political elites – religious or
secular – are badly out of step with those aspirations.
More widely, what the M5S’
success represents is a challenge to the approach to economic reform which has
too often rewarded the rich responsible for the problems, while making the
working classes pay for Europe’s economic mess.
On the day of his resignation, many in Italy held up signs saying "game over for Berlusconi". On the contrary, this is where the game begins, says Andrea Teti. This piece was first published on November 14, 2011.
After President Morsi’s
Constitutional Declaration providing him with unprecedented sweeping powers,
the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt faces unprecedented protests. Is this a sign of its
The best way for the
military to retain its privileges would be to step back from its
high-visibility role. The more time that passes, though, the higher the cost of
doing this will be — as the military’s iron grip on institutions drives
opposition forces towards, and not away, from each other
In response to Josiah Surface, Andrea Teti argues that NATO must think innovatively about the assumptions underpinning past policy. The EU’s past experiences in dealing with MENA countries point to a number of mistakes NATO should avoid reproducing.
that seems to emanate from local elections in Italy as well as the European
polls of the last weekend is a resounding mistrust in and repudiation of ruling
politicians, their methods, and their policies – austerity first and foremost. Traditional parties should beware the costs of
Western governments need to recognize that authoritarian regimes are often fierce but not strong; that privatisation is rarely the road to liberalisation, much less democratization; and that Islamism was as wrong-footed by the uprisings as they were
The military may wish to maintain its economic and political stranglehold, the Brotherhood may feel its time has come, and progressive groups may want to push for real change. But for the time being the Egyptian people remain an enigma.
Ignoring the revolution's demands stokes up tensions that found their short-term release in the attacks on the Israeli embassy in Cairo. In the long run their consequences may be far graver for the regime.