China, nearly all the states in Asia make use of the trappings of democracy,
such as elections, parliaments, and the separation of powers. A new report examines
the future of democracy in Asia in the next 15 years.
What determines political survival among China's party elite? Where are the traps that ensnare men like Zhou Yongkang and Ling Jihua? The ambiguities of loyalty are a useful way to bring these questions into focus.
The death knell for Hong Kong’s Umbrella
Revolution was sounded even as the movement entered December. The final days
saw Beijing play its hand well, through the careful application of minimal
force and strategic patience.
What lies behind the Chinese Communist Party elite’s foregrounding of
the ‘rule of law’? With China's declining economic growth rate and widening income inequality, the basic rationale at the heart of the party's right to rule is at risk.
movement could benefit from encouraging splits within the seemingly unified
voice of the elite, bound to have its internal conflicts. Then there
are new challenges and new nonviolent opportunities, planned and unplanned.
Hong Kong Democracy Now is a voluntary
working group translating videos and articles to support international media
coverage of Hong Kong’s civil disobedience movement. They are maintaining an updated list of
verified sources detailing police brutality.
voice of the labour movement has been ignored in the international media
coverage of Hong Kong’s Occupy protest. Trade unions have taken to the street
not only in the name of universal suffrage, but for the sake of social justice.
Two professors in Hong Kong interview fellow
academics, student activists and graduate students from mainland China in order
to draw out Hong Kong’s history in relation to globalising forms of political
expression. Colonial history, neoliberal urban governance, and Chinese
authoritarianism all bear on the current unrest.
Western media outlets have described
Hong Kong’s accelerated wave of unrest as predominantly led by students. It has
a much wider base than that. Months of steady canvassing and campaigning on the
streets, and a promotion of emotive symbolism over violence, have garnered
enormous sympathy for the Occupy movement.
The great wave of English education in
China is slowly affecting the educational system as a whole. And the centrality
of education in Chinese society means that this transformation is having an
influence not only on what people can say but perhaps also how they think.
Hong Kong’s deep reservoir of discontent is not, as Beijing
contends, the result of efforts by “anti-China” forces. They are the local
reactions of people who have no influence over policies that are rapidly
changing their home.
India's newly elected prime minister Narendra Modi and Japan's prime minister Shinzo Abe enjoy a friendship which signals increasing co-operation and integration of both nations' economic and defense plans in a new regional strategic partnership.
We need to
understand China in the context of a rise of authoritarian political parties
and governments throughout the world. South America, far from perfect, is the
only region of the world without a clear rise in the influence of anti-democratic,
authoritarian parties and governments.
Despite their many efforts
to stave off greater mobilization inspired by the ideals of the New Citizens
Movement, the Party must know that eventually the force of popular mobilization
will be too great to disregard by mere omission.
China's growing economic
prosperity has distinguished today's youth – and their demands – from the
"89 generation". But
though unlikely to occupy the square, the introduction of digital technologies
means that political protest is not dead.
In the twenty-five years since the Tiananmen Square
massacre, China’s party-state appears to have stabilised its rule by
instrumental middle-class support secured for material gain. The next
twenty-five years may not, however, be so certain.