The elephant in the recent Eurogroup meeting room was Greece's 2010 failed structural readjustment programme, admonished by Yanis Varoufakis as 'fiscal waterboarding'. Why does Germany persist in defending it?
El objetivo principal de Podemos es aglutinar una amplia
mayoría, lo que en la práctica significa poner en pie un partido de clases
medias que deje atrás el eje Derecha/Izquierda y ocupe la centralidad política. English.
goal of Podemos is to marshal an ample majority, which means in practice to build
a middle-class party, and to give up the traditional Left/Right axis for a
position of centrality. Español.
Right-wing extremism continues to be
perceived by mainstream media and statutory organizations as a predominantly “male problem” since the stereotypical view regards
white women as non-violent, peaceful, loving and caring individuals. This is
Especially in some
European countries, dealing with the dark sides of one’s history has become a
significant topos. Without such a change in cultures of commemoration of
the different European countries, a European Union would have been impossible.
A discussion of European surveillance programmes cannot be reduced to the question of a balance between data protection versus national security. It has to be framed in terms of collective freedoms and democracy.
Germany has been engaging in large-scale surveillance and exchange of communications data with international partners, despite the existence of a strong constitutional and legal framework for the protection of privacy.
Where such mass, weakly targeted surveillance techniques have been used in Europe, the Human Rights Court has found them inconsistent with the right to respect for privacy. Mass surveillance is by definition arbitrary.
While there are certainly gendered imbalances in the actual structures of current sex markets, these imbalances are created, reinforced and strengthened not by sex work itself but by laws criminalizing sex work and by treating sex workers as second-class citizens without rights.
Participation has become a necessary basis
for institutional authority in an era of declining social mobility and
government retrenchment. It has become a tool for sustaining hierarchies as
much as a tool for transcending them.
Now that the EU is
ready to embrace the new Ukrainian government, investing at least one billion
euros in the ‘revolutionized’ country, it is time to reinvestigate the question
of far right influence in Ukraine.
The much needed debate on Europe is unlikely to happen in the German run-up to the European elections. But instead, a controversy pro or against the Euro might well take place, should the new right-wing Alternative for Germany prove effective. Euro elections landscape, 2014.
In principle, Germany is a state committed to democracy and international peace. This is why three recent political scandals, which exposed the vulnerability of German citizens to the surveillance institutions of their state as well as the development of drones, came as a surprise to many.
After months of campaigning, leading to an election, followed by weeks of negotiation, the German Social Democrats and Merkel's CDU/CSU have finally agreed to form a grand coalition. But can this coalition hold? And how will it affect Europe?
East Berlin's squatter movement erupted across the city after the fall of the wall in 1989. But what role did housing activists in the 1980s play in shaping an alternative vision for the contemporary city?
Germany's trade policies towards Russia, notably on the issue of natural gas, have contributed to re-shaping the eastern European geo-economic landscape. Could Ukraine become a hostage of Berlin's recent Ostpolitik should tensions between Moscow and Kiev rise further?
Angela Merkel might have won the last German elections, but
she now needs a new coalition partner. So who will it be? Coalitions can be formed willingly by intentional partners, or they can emerge out of necessity, forced by the reality of the vote.