Jordan appears to have been relatively
unaffected by the upheavals of the Arab uprisings, but growing resentment at
nepotism, pandemic corruption, and economic deprivation lies just beneath the
Syrian state media accuses Jordanians of being rebel allies but this is to oversimplify. Many Jordanians do support the insurgency against Bashar al-Assad. But some oppose it and many others have grown skeptical as the spillover from Syria to Jordan increases.
Nablus' soap - a potent symbol of Nabulsi identity - at the height of its popularity was exported to the Middle East, western Europe and beyond. However, restrictions have negatively contributed to the industry's volatility over the last three decades.
If Saddam Hussein and Hafez Assad had worked towards unlearning the new reality which Sykes-Picot aimed to create in the Arab World, the current deadlock in the Syrian-Iraqi situation would never have happened.
Twin disaffection on the part of both Syrians
and Palestinians in Jordan should be put in historical context. Both Palestinians and Syrians
can claim historical links to Jordan, including arguments of political control
and ownership, which may now surface more strongly.
The promotion of women’s rights through
the introduction of gender quotas in Jordan is being used to score points on
‘democratization’ and to present a ‘modern’ face to the world. What are the
prospects for women’s empowerment?
misrepresentation of Egypt’s withdrawal from the recent NPT meeting in Geneva, a
retired Egyptian Ambassador puts the record straight and suggests ways to put
the Conference on WMD in the Middle East back on track.
The concept of wilaya
(guardianship over women) is key to discrimination against
women. Debates over different interpretations of guardianship under Muslim law
ultimately fail to address the key premises underlying hegemonic notions of
masculinity and femininity and the institutions that propagate them argues Afaf