Concerns that bombing ISIS in Libya might destabilise Tunisia were tragically confirmed last week, as ISIS militants assaulted military and security facilities in Ben Guerdane, killing more than 50 people.
Great Britain and Italy are preparing to send ground troops to Libya, and American troops will likely be involved eventually – ironic developments given western intervention helped create a failed state in Libya in the first place.
How do uprisings and national discourses in Egypt shape the international relations of the country? How are we to understand the current state of Egyptian nationalism and its relationship with the Arab world post-2011?
Steps need to be taken to promote consensus, in order to consolidate the nation to which Libyans aspire. This NOREF report explores whether there can there be dialogue in the context currently prevailing in Libya.
Until now, the struggle between autocrats and revolutionaries has been confined within national boundaries. But as the trend shifts towards a pooling of autocratic regimes’ resources, any future confrontation must be regional.
Islamic State project is finding some consensus in countries where political
deadlock reduces our social lives to a primordial level. Social and economic
frustration stays at an all-time high level, even in a country like Tunisia.
The western intervention in Libya in 2011 failed to
recognise the complex warp and weft of its pre-democratic tribal fabric. Only a
regionally facilitated dialogue can repair the shattered state left behind.
Snared by geopolitical interests,
post-9/11 interventions have too easily been captured by leading states. A
robust law enforcement process must serve enforcers of law, not agents of
the beheading of 21 Egyptian Christians by ISIS in Libya associated with a
broader political project of cleansing the region of religious minorities?
Would this not deserve demonstrations of solidarity?
Libya after the Qadhafi regime is witnessing a complex array of struggles in which ambitions for power, claims to legitimacy, the taint of the past, and ownership of the 2011 revolution are among the key dividing lines.
Not only did the Arab peoples revolt, but the power of their revolts was so significant and threatening to the regional geopolitical order that the regional powers had to diffuse the collective consciousness at any cost.
These airstrikes demonstrate new fault lines in the Arab world: between Arab conservative regimes, their Islamist foes, and the democratic secular forces who find themselves in an impossible situation.
Looking back, it feels as if Salwa Bugaighis embodied not
the hopes and aspirations of the majority of her country's people but a dream of
revolution, shared by a minority of educated Libyans and nurtured by western
journalists and democracy activists, says Lindsey Hilsum
The discovery by the Italian navy of 30 bodies
in a fishing boat at the weekend highlights the deadly trail of migrants from
north Africa—for whom a chaotic Libya represent another hazardous transit point.
Like much of the rest of the Arab Spring, the urge of
the millennial generation across North Africa and the Middle East for a more
multicultural world seems far from realization, but they have put it on a
future Arab agenda. Its moment will return.