openDemocracyUK

It’s more than just the NHS that’s at risk in Scotland from TTIP

The EU/US Trade Deal poses a threat to Scottish Water's plans to deprivatise failing PFI facilities.

Liz Murray
11 December 2014
6a00d8341c091653ef0147e2c5f454970b-500wi.jpg

A protest outside the Scottish Parliament against the smell at SeaField

Last week, a Europe-wide petition against TTIP, the controversial and aggressively neo-liberal free trade deal between the US and EU, reached 1 million signatures. More than 180,000 of those were from the UK. Another petition here in Scotland, calling on the First Minister Nicola Sturgeon to oppose TTIP, gained almost 25,000 signatures.

Opposition to TTIP is growing at an astonishing speed as the public discover how it threatens democracy, social justice, public services and national sovereignty.

TTIP is facing particularly widespread criticism for the threat that it poses to the NHS – particularly by ‘locking-in’ privatization. But it’s also a threat to other public services in the UK, and we believe that here in Scotland it could have an impact on Scottish Water if it ever wanted to renationalise its troublesome PFI projects.

Around half of all waste water and about 80% of waste water sludge in Scotland is treated in works operated by PFI companies, under contracts signed with Scottish Water in the late 1990s. Some of these projects have been heavily criticised for mechanical failures, leakages and bad smells and Scottish Water has had to spend millions of pounds over the years to try and reduce these problems.

The treatment plant at Seafield in Edinburgh, for example, has caused many problems for local residents for a number of years from bad smells. This plant is operated by multi-national waste company Veolia under a 30 year PFI contract signed with Scottish Water in 1999.

Scottish Water has suggested in its business plans in the past that it would try and bring the PFI projects back into public ownership.

However, this could be stymied by one of the key features of TTIP: the investor-state dispute mechanism (ISDS) which allows multi-national companies to use international arbitration courts, outside of national legal systems, to sue countries if national policies threaten profits (or, crucially in this case, future profits). It’s this mechanism that we believe could be used to stop Scottish Water bringing its PFIs back into public ownership, through the companies involved suing the government for compensation for lost profits if contracts are not renewed. The cost of this compensation could be enough to put Scottish Water and the Scottish government off renationalising those PFIs.

There are many, many examples from other treaties of companies using this mechanism to sue (or even just threaten to sue – which can sometimes be enough) governments over lost profits. Just this week, Friends of the Earth Europe (FoEE) released new research showing the extent to which the inclusion of these special rights for investors in previous trade treaties has allowed corporations to sue European governments in secret courts (and how much taxpayers are footing the bill for this).

Their research identified 127 known ISDS cases that have been brought against 20 EU member states since 1994. Despite information on these secretive court cases being hard to find, the facts that FoEE was able to undercover illustrate the enormous sums of money involved in these cases. The largest known amount to be awarded by a tribunal against a state was 553 million euros (in the case of Ceskoslovenska Obchodni Banka vs Slovak Republic) and the largest known settlement was 2 billion euros, paid by Poland to Eureko, a Dutch insurance company.

Veolia, the operator of Seafield treatment works that I mentioned above, also has form when it comes to using ISDS to claim compensation for lost profits. Since 2012, Veolia (which is headquartered in France but has many offices around the world) has been suing Egypt based on the bilateral investment agreement between France and Egypt for an alleged breach of a contract for waste disposal in the city of Alexandria. The city had refused to make changes to the contract which Veolia wanted in order to meet higher costs – in part due to the introduction of a minimum wage. Also, according to Veolia, the local police had failed to prevent the massive theft of dustbins by the local population. According to media reports, Veolia wants 82 million euros in compensation.

Last month, the Scottish Parliament European and External Affairs committee of the Scottish Parliament started an inquiry into TTIP. We gave written and oral evidence to the committee, highlighting our concerns about a range of problems with the trade deal, including the ISDS mechanism and the threat that it poses to public services and laws to protect workers’ rights, the environment and public health.

The Scottish government wants the NHS in Scotland exempted from TTIP. We don’t believe that this goes far enough – and we think that the people who have signed the petitions would agree. If the Scottish government is to protect Scotland’s much loved public services and safeguard laws designed to protect workers, public health and Scotland’s natural heritage then it must go further and oppose the trade deal entirely in its current form (as indeed the SNP MEP Alyn Smith has said that he does) as well as demonstrating a robust counterweight to Westminster’s enthusiasm for it. Only that will really address the concerns of the one million citizens across Europe opposed to TTIP.

Can there be a green populist project on the Left?

Many on the Left want to return to a politics based on class, not populism. They point to Left populist parties not reaching their goals. But Chantal Mouffe argues that as the COVID-19 pandemic has put the need for protection from harm at the top of the agenda, a Left populist strategy is now more relevant than ever.

Is this an opportunity for a realignment around a green democratic transformation?

Join us for a free live discussion on Thursday 22 October, 5pm UK time/12pm EDT.

Hear from:

Paolo Gerbaudo Sociologist and political theorist, director of the Centre for Digital Culture at King’s College London and author of ‘The Mask and the Flag: Populism and Global Protest’ and ‘The Digital Party: Political Organisation and Online Democracy’, and of the forthcoming ‘The Great Recoil: Politics After Populism and Pandemic’.

Chantal Mouffe Emeritus Professor of Political Theory at the University of Westminster in London. Her most recent books are ‘Agonistics. Thinking the World Politically’, ‘Podemos. In the Name of the People’ and ‘For a Left Populism’.

Spyros A. Sofos Researcher and research coordinator at the Center for Middle Eastern Studies, Lund University and author of ‘Nation and Identity in Contemporary Europe’, ‘Tormented by History’ and ‘Islam in Europe: Public Spaces and Civic Networks'.

Chair: Walid el Houri Researcher, journalist and filmmaker based between Berlin and Beirut. He is partnerships editor at openDemocracy and lead editor of its North Africa, West Asia project.

Who is bankrolling Britain's democracy? Which groups shape the stories we see in the press; which voices are silenced, and why? Sign up here to find out.

Comments

We encourage anyone to comment, please consult the oD commenting guidelines if you have any questions.
Audio available Bookmark Check Language Close Comments Download Facebook Link Email Newsletter Newsletter Play Print Share Twitter Youtube Search Instagram WhatsApp yourData