Julia Zulver https://www.opendemocracy.net/taxonomy/term/17999/all cached version 09/02/2019 20:09:09 en ¿Verá Colombia un acuerdo de paz con el ELN en 2019? https://www.opendemocracy.net/democraciaabierta/annette-idler-julia-zulver-juan-masullo/ver-colombia-un-acuerdo-de-paz-con-el-eln- <div class="field field-summary"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <p>Los sondeos de opinión muestran que el 64% de la población colombiana quiere que el Presidente Duque reanude las negociaciones con el ELN. Pero en 2018 el gobierno suspendió las negociaciones.<a href="https://opendemocracy.net/democraciaabierta/will-2019-see-peace-process-for-eln-rebels-in-colombia"> <strong><em>English</em></strong></a></p> </div> </div> </div> <p><span class='wysiwyg_imageupload image imgupl_floating_none 0'><a href="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/wysiwyg_imageupload_lightbox_preset/wysiwyg_imageupload/557099/eln-1_0.jpg" rel="lightbox[wysiwyg_imageupload_inline]" title=""><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/article_xlarge/wysiwyg_imageupload/557099/eln-1_0.jpg" alt="" title="" width="460" height="259" class="imagecache wysiwyg_imageupload 0 imagecache imagecache-article_xlarge" style="" /></a> <span class='image_meta'><span class='image_title'>Guerrilleros del ELN. Fotografía: Cortesía de pacifista.tv. Todos los derechos reservados.</span></span></span></p><p>Colombia firmó un acuerdo de paz con las FARC en 2016, pero el conflicto armado continua en el país. El Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN), actualmente la guerrilla más grande del país, sigue activa y se disputa con diferentes grupos criminales el control de los territorios dejados por las FARC y el acceso a rutas del narcotráfico. </p><p>En algunas regiones la violencia ha aumentado y la superficie dedicada al cultivo de coca alcanzó <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/09/20/world/americas/cocaine-colombia.html">&nbsp;máximos históricos</a> en 2018 – esto a pesar de los esfuerzos de erradicación avanzados por el gobierno. </p> <p>El ex-presidente Juan Manuel Santos empezó formalmente un proceso de paz con el ELN en 2017. Sin embargo, en 2018 el nuevo presidente, Iván Duque, suspendió las negociaciones, resaltando que los insurgentes persisten con sus actividades criminales. Mientras tanto, el equipo de negociación del ELN espera en Cuba que el gobierno envíe una nueva delegación y declara seguir comprometido con las negociaciones.</p> <p>Las negociaciones de Santos con el ELN llegaron a su zénit en septiembre del 2017 cuando ambas partes pactaron un cese al fuego bilateral de cuatro meses. Este fue el primero de su tipo desde que el grupo insurgente se creó en los años sesenta y fue ampliamente respetado por ambos lados. </p><p>Sin embargo, cuando el periodo llegó a su fin, los insurgentes reanudaron su actividad violenta rápidamente. A partir de enero de 2018 <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/01/10/world/americas/colombia-eln-attack.html">bombardearon oleoductos y atacaron instalaciones militares</a> y <a href="https://www.semana.com/nacion/articulo/los-detalles-desconocidos-del-atentado-del-eln-en-barranquilla/555835">estaciones de policía</a>, afectando tanto a la fuerza pública como a la población civil.&nbsp;</p><p class="mag-quote-center">El equipo de negociación del ELN espera en Cuba que el gobierno envíe una nueva delegación y declara seguir comprometido con las negociaciones.</p> <p>Como respuesta Santos suspendió las negociaciones, citando incoherencias entre el discurso de paz del ELN y sus acciones de guerra. Las negociaciones se reanudaron en Cuba en mayo de 2018 con el propósito de forjar una nueva tregua. Aunque hubo algunos avances, los partidos no lograron pactar otro cese de fuego.</p> <h3>¿Negociar con un “grupo terrorista”?</h3> <p>Desde su campaña electoral Iván Duque fue abiertamente crítico de las negociaciones con el ELN. En su discurso inaugural anunció que se tomaría 30 días para evaluar los 17 meses de negociaciones entre el grupo insurgente y el gobierno de Santos para decidir si continuar o no en la mesa.</p> <p>Estos días caducaron y el futuro de las negociaciones es más incierto que nunca. En septiembre Duque retiró al equipo de negociación de La Habana, sin conformar una nueva delegación. Luego, cuando visitó Nueva York para la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas, <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=adEdtJvbuak">se refirió a los insurgentes como un grupo terrorista</a> y reafirmó que su gobierno estaría dispuesto a negociar con el ELN solo cuando los insurgentes <a href="https://www.elespectador.com/noticias/politica/duque-dice-que-mantiene-voluntad-de-dialogo-con-la-guerrilla-del-eln-articulo-813841">pongan en libertad a todos sus secuestrados y cesen definitivamente sus actividades criminales.</a></p> <p>Esta ha sido la posición de gobierno desde entonces.</p> <p>En respuesta, el ELN ha declarado públicamente que con esta posición el gobierno de Duque esta dejando ver <a href="https://www.elespectador.com/noticias/politica/eln-asegura-que-cumplio-con-la-tregua-de-fin-de-ano-articulo-832304">sus tendencias belicistas</a> y <a href="https://www.semana.com/nacion/articulo/comision-de-paz-del-senado-mediara-entre-el-eln-y-el-presidente-ivan-duque/585759">ha pedido apoyo a la comisión de paz</a> creada en el Senado para destrabar las negociaciones. </p><p>Los delegados del ELN en la Habana han <a href="http://www.colombiainforma.info/cumplir-acuerdos-y-avanzar-hacia-la-paz-entrevista-con-aureliano-carbonell-del-eln/">insinuado</a> que estarían dispuestos a discutir las exigencias de Duque, pero insistieron que cualquier nueva condición se debe negociar formalmente y no puede ser definida unilateralmente por parte del gobierno.</p> <p>El 18 de diciembre el ELN publicó un <a href="https://twitter.com/ELN_Paz/status/1075196774271332357">tuit</a> que expresaba su deseo de que el año 2019 traiga la paz en Colombia y <a href="http://eln-voces.com/tregua-de-navidad-por-la-paz/">anunció</a> un cese al fuego unilateral desde el 23 de diciembre hasta el 3 de enero con el objetivo de “aportar a un clima de tranquilidad en la Navidad y el año nuevo.”</p> <h3>¿Qué quieren los colombianos?</h3> <p>La posición tomada por el gobierno parece estar en contravía con lo que quiere la mayoría de los colombianos. El <a href="https://www.elpais.com.co/especiales/encuesta-gallup-127.pdf">sondeo más reciénte de Gallup</a> (de octubre 2018), que mide las percepciones de los colombianos en las cinco ciudades principales del país, muestra que un 64% de los encuestados cree que se debería reiniciar las negociaciones. </p><p>Esta cifra es significativa y resulta de una tendencia creciente que aumentó del 50% en febrero de 2018 y llegó a un máximo de 70% en junio del mismo año.</p> <p class="mag-quote-center">Una persona no tiene que apoyar o simpatizar con el ELN para creer que el gobierno debería volver a la mesa de negociación</p><p>Los que se oponen a las negociaciones han insinuado que solo aquellos que simpatizan con el ELN apoyan las negociaciones con este grupo. Sin embargo, los datos de estos sondeos muestran que no es así. </p><p>El 93% de los encuestados tiene una opinión desfavorable del grupo insurgente, lo que supone un importante traslapo con quienes quieren que el gobierno reanude las negociaciones. Esto deja claro que una persona no tiene que apoyar o simpatizar con el ELN para creer que el gobierno debería volver a la mesa de negociación.</p> <h3>Las voces desde los márgenes</h3> <p>Nuestro trabajado de campo en varias regiones de país sugiere que las opiniones y actitudes de quienes viven en las grandes ciudades coinciden con las de aquellos que viven en regiones marginalizadas (donde no suelen llegar los sondeos de opinión) y con alta presencia del ELN.</p> <p class="mag-quote-center">&nbsp;Los colombianos quieren ver un acuerdo de paz con el ELN en 2019.</p> <p>Por ejemplo, en Arauca -- departamento con presencia histórica del ELN, un oficial del gobierno comentó que el proceso de paz con las FARC permitió una mayor presencia de las fuerzas armadas en la región y resaltó que en las ultimas elecciones presidenciales no hubo casos de intimidación y que la criminalidad ha bajado en general. </p><p>Sin embargo, enfatizó que el ELN se mantiene activo y sigue amenazando la seguridad de las comunidades y que por lo tanto un proceso de paz con este grupo es necesario para garantizar la seguridad en la región. En su opinión, el gobierno debe reiniciar las negociaciones.&nbsp; </p> <p>A su vez, una líder de la sociedad civil secundó esta opinión. Reconoció que las condiciones de seguridad han mejorado desde la desmovilización de las FARC, pero resaltó que el ELN sigue acosando e intimidando a varias comunidades en las zonas donde ella trabaja. </p><p>Los insurgentes siguen reclutando forzosamente y asesinando a miembros de su comunidad. Para ella es claro que las negociaciones no se pueden dilatar más. “…la gente ya está cansada…quiere un proceso de paz con el ELN.” En su opinión, reanudar los diálogos de paz es la clave para alcanzar “una paz completa.”</p> <p>Duque <a href="http://caracol.com.co/radio/2018/05/28/politica/1527471228_648915.html">alcanzó</a> una mayoría en el departamento de Arauca – una muestra más de que los colombianos que quieren que se reanuden las negociaciones no necesariamente simpatizan con la guerrilla. </p><p>Las encuestas y los testimonios recogidos en las áreas donde trabajamos son claros en cuanto a lo que quieren los colombianos. Sea en las grandes ciudades o en zonas rurales más marginadas -- incluso en áreas de presencia histórica del ELN –, los colombianos quieren ver un acuerdo de paz con el ELN en 2019.</p> <p>Cuando decida cuál será su próximo paso, Duque debería tomar en consideración estas opiniones.</p><fieldset class="fieldgroup group-sideboxs"><legend>Sideboxes</legend><div class="field field-related-stories"> <div class="field-label">Related stories:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <a href="/democraciaabierta/kristian-herbolzheimer/el-dilema-del-eln-en-colombia-qu-camino-tomar">El dilema del ELN en Colombia: ¿qué camino tomar?</a> </div> <div class="field-item even"> <a href="/democraciaabierta/el-posconflicto-en-la-colombia-rural">¿Qué trajo el fin del conflicto a la Colombia rural?</a> </div> <div class="field-item odd"> <a href="/democraciaabierta/francesc-badia-i-dalmases-jonatan-rodr-guez/pesar-de-tantas-polarizaciones-y-menti">Colombia ante la posibilidad de modernizar su democracia</a> </div> </div> </div> </fieldset> <div class="field field-country"> <div class="field-label"> Country or region:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> Colombia </div> </div> </div> <div class="field field-topics"> <div class="field-label">Topics:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> Civil society </div> <div class="field-item even"> Conflict </div> <div class="field-item odd"> Democracy and government </div> </div> </div> <div class="field field-rights"> <div class="field-label">Rights:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> CC by 4.0 </div> </div> </div> DemocraciaAbierta DemocraciaAbierta Colombia Civil society Conflict Democracy and government Juan Masullo Julia Zulver Annette Idler Mon, 07 Jan 2019 09:53:34 +0000 Annette Idler, Julia Zulver and Juan Masullo 121205 at https://www.opendemocracy.net Will 2019 see a Peace Process for the ELN rebels in Colombia? https://www.opendemocracy.net/democraciaabierta/will-2019-see-peace-process-for-eln-rebels-in-colombia <div class="field field-summary"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <p>Polls show that 64% of Colombians want President Duque to resume negotiations with the ELN, but the new government called off talks in 2018, leaving the future of the peace process uncertain. <em><strong><a href="https://opendemocracy.net/democraciaabierta/annette-idler-julia-zulver-juan-masullo/ver-colombia-un-acuerdo-de-paz-con-el-eln-">Español</a></strong></em></p> </div> </div> </div> <p><span class='wysiwyg_imageupload image imgupl_floating_none 0'><a href="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/wysiwyg_imageupload_lightbox_preset/wysiwyg_imageupload/557099/eln-1.jpg" rel="lightbox[wysiwyg_imageupload_inline]" title=""><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/article_xlarge/wysiwyg_imageupload/557099/eln-1.jpg" alt="" title="" width="460" height="259" class="imagecache wysiwyg_imageupload 0 imagecache imagecache-article_xlarge" style="" /></a> <span class='image_meta'><span class='image_title'>ELN Guerrilla members. Image: cortesy of pacifista.tv </span></span></span></p><p>Even though Colombia signed a peace deal with the FARC rebels in 2016, armed conflict in the country is not yet over. Another rebel group, the National Liberation Army (ELN – <em>Ejército de Liberación Nacional</em>, in Spanish), the country’s now-largest guerrilla organisation, is still alive and kicking. </p> <p>Since the demobilisation of the FARC, remote parts of the country have witnessed increased violence, as guerrillas – most notably the ELN – and criminal groups compete for the control of territories left behind by the FARC, including access to drug-trafficking routes. In fact, Colombia’s coca acreage for cocaine production is at <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/09/20/world/americas/cocaine-colombia.html">an all-time high</a>, despite government efforts to eradicate plants. </p> <p>Former President Juan Manuel Santos began formal peace negotiations with the ELN in 2017, but in September 2018 newly-elected President Iván Duque&nbsp;<a href="https://www.economist.com/the-americas/2018/09/13/colombias-new-president-calls-off-talks-with-a-leftist-insurgent-group">called home the negotiation</a> team from Havana, pointing to the ELN’s continued involvement in kidnapping and their refusal to free hostages. Meanwhile, the rebels’ negotiation team – still in Cuba – insists that they are committed to negotiating peace and are waiting for the government to send a new delegation. </p> <p>Santos’ negotiations with the ELN reached their zenith in September 2017, when both parties agreed to a 4-month bilateral ceasefire. This was the first of its kind since the rebel group was created in the 1960s.</p><p class="mag-quote-center">The rebels’ negotiation team – still in Cuba – insists that they are committed to negotiating peace and are waiting for the government to send a new delegation.</p><p>Following the end of the ceasefire –largely respected by both sides – the insurgents resumed violent activity in January 2018. They <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/01/10/world/americas/colombia-eln-attack.html">bombed oil pipelines and attacked military installations</a> and <a href="https://www.semana.com/nacion/articulo/los-detalles-desconocidos-del-atentado-del-eln-en-barranquilla/555835">police stations</a>, affecting the civilian population and killing and injuring several members of the forces of the state.</p> <p>Ultimately, Santos suspended the talks, claiming inconsistencies between the ELN’s words of peace and actions of war. Negotiations began again in Cuba in May 2018, with the aim of forging another truce. Despite some advancements, the parties were unable to agree to another ceasefire.</p> <h3><strong>Negotiating with a “terrorist group”?</strong></h3> <p>Colombia’s new president Iván Duque has been openly critical of the negotiations. In his inaugural speech, he announced that he would take 30 days to evaluate the past 17 months of talks and decide whether to continue with the process.</p> <p>These 30 days have passed, leaving the future of negotiations more uncertain than ever. In September Duque dissolved the negotiation team in Havana. Later on, while in New York for the United Nations General Assembly, he referred to the rebels as a “terrorist group” and reaffirmed that his government was open to resuming dialogue <em>only</em> when the ELN <a href="https://www.elespectador.com/noticias/politica/duque-dice-que-mantiene-voluntad-de-dialogo-con-la-guerrilla-del-eln-articulo-813841">releases <em>all </em>remaining hostages and ends participation in all criminal activity.</a></p> <p>This has been the position of the government since then.</p> <p>In response, the ELN has released damning statements claiming that Duque’s government is revealing its bellicose tendencies, and they have <a href="https://www.semana.com/nacion/articulo/comision-de-paz-del-senado-mediara-entre-el-eln-y-el-presidente-ivan-duque/585759">reached out to</a> the Senate’s newly created peace commission urging them help the negotiation to advance. </p><p>The rebels’ delegation in Havana even <a href="http://www.colombiainforma.info/cumplir-acuerdos-y-avanzar-hacia-la-paz-entrevista-con-aureliano-carbonell-del-eln/">suggested</a> they would be open to discussing Duque’s demands (i.e. releasing hostages and suspending all military activity), but stressed that any new set of conditions need to be discussed at the negotiation table, and not defined unilaterally by the new government.</p> <p>On 18 December, the ELN <a href="https://twitter.com/ELN_Paz/status/1075196774271332357">tweeted</a> their desire for 2019 to bring peace for Colombia and later &nbsp;<a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-colombia-rebels/colombias-eln-rebels-call-ceasefire-for-festive-period-idUSKBN1OG1M4">declared</a> a 12-day unilateral ceasefire from 23 December-3 January to “contribute to a climate of tranquility at Christmas and the New Year.” </p> <h3><strong>What do Colombians want?</strong></h3> <p>The messages sent by the government conflict with what most Colombians want. The <a href="https://www.elpais.com.co/especiales/encuesta-gallup-127.pdf">most recent Gallup poll</a> (fielded in October 2018), which measures the perceptions of Colombians living in five of the country’s major cities, show that 64% of those surveyed think that negotiations should begin again. </p><p>Not only are these figures substantial in their own right, they also show a clear upward trend, steadily increasing from 50% in February 2018, reaching almost 70% in June.</p><p class="mag-quote-center">One does not need to be an ELN-supporter to believe the government should sit down and continue negotiating.</p> <p>Opponents to the peace negotiations have suggested that only those who are sympathetic to the ELN support the peace negotiations with the insurgents. </p><p>Poll figures clearly show that this is not the case. &nbsp;Indeed, 93% of the people surveyed by Gallup reported a negative (<em>desfavorable</em>) opinion of the insurgent group, which implies a considerable overlap with those who are calling the government to resume talks. One does not need to be an ELN-supporter to believe the government should sit down and continue negotiating.</p> <h3>The voices from the margins</h3> <p>The opinions and attitudes from Colombian cities were confirmed by our conversations with community members from marginalised regions with high ELN presence (and where polls usually do not arrive)—notwithstanding the country’s stark urban-rural divide.</p><p class="mag-quote-center">Colombians want to see the negotiations to resume in 2019.</p> <p>For example, in Arauca -- a department with a historically high presence of the ELN -- a government official noted that the peace process with the FARC meant that the military could increase its presence in the region, that there were no cases of intimidation during the presidential elections, and that criminality has gone down overall. </p><p>However, he also stressed that the ELN is still active in the area and continues to threaten the security of the communities living there. Therefore, he hopes that a similar process with the ELN will serve to increase security in this region and thus believes that the new government should resume the talks.</p> <p>A civil society leader from the department echoed these messages. Recognising that security conditions have improved since the demobilisation of the FARC, she noted that the ELN continue to harass, intimidate, and enact violence in the communities in which she works, including forced recruitment and homicide. </p><p>Therefore, she was clear in voicing her opinion that ongoing negotiations should continue. In her view, this will allow the region to finally experience “una paz completa” (a holistic peace). &nbsp;She noted, “people are fed up… they want a peace process with the ELN.”</p> <p>Duque <a href="http://caracol.com.co/radio/2018/05/28/politica/1527471228_648915.html">won</a> a majority of votes in the department of Arauca. This further shows that Colombians who want the government to continue negotiations with the ELN are not necessarily guerrilla sympathisers. Regardless of whether people come from large cities or rural areas, including regions where the ELN has had historical presence, Colombians want to see the negotiations to resume in 2019.</p> <p>When deciding his next move, Duque should pay attention to these demands.</p><fieldset class="fieldgroup group-sideboxs"><legend>Sideboxes</legend><div class="field field-related-stories"> <div class="field-label">Related stories:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <a href="/democraciaabierta/kristian-herbolzheimer/nowhere-to-turn-for-eln-in-colombia">Nowhere to turn for the ELN in Colombia?</a> </div> <div class="field-item even"> <a href="/democraciaabierta/miguel-garc-s-nchez/what-did-post-conflict-bring-to-rural-colombia-0">What did the end of the conflict bring to rural Colombia?</a> </div> <div class="field-item odd"> <a href="/democraciaabierta/francesc-badia-i-dalmases-jonatan-rodr-guez/colombia-and-possibility-of-modernisin">Colombia and the possibility of modernising democracy</a> </div> </div> </div> </fieldset> <div class="field field-country"> <div class="field-label"> Country or region:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> Colombia </div> </div> </div> <div class="field field-topics"> <div class="field-label">Topics:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> Conflict </div> <div class="field-item even"> Democracy and government </div> <div class="field-item odd"> International politics </div> </div> </div> <div class="field field-rights"> <div class="field-label">Rights:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> CC by 4.0 </div> </div> </div> DemocraciaAbierta DemocraciaAbierta Colombia Conflict Democracy and government International politics Juan Masullo Julia Zulver Annette Idler Mon, 07 Jan 2019 00:58:25 +0000 Annette Idler, Julia Zulver and Juan Masullo 121186 at https://www.opendemocracy.net Julia Zulver https://www.opendemocracy.net/content/julia-zulver-0 <div class="field field-au-term"> <div class="field-label">Author:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> Julia Zulver </div> </div> </div> <p>Dr <strong>Julia Zulver </strong>is the Postdoctoral Gender Researcher on the CONPEACE Team. She tweets @JZulver</p> Julia Zulver Fri, 04 Jan 2019 17:02:07 +0000 Julia Zulver 121188 at https://www.opendemocracy.net In pictures: female FARC fighters' daily lives in a demobilisation camp https://www.opendemocracy.net/5050/kiran-stallone-julia-zulver/in-pictures-daily-life-farc-demobilisation <div class="field field-summary"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <p>“Welcome to a territory of peace.” Earlier this year, thousands of FARC combatants moved to demobilisation camps as part of historic peace accords in Colombia.</p> </div> </div> </div> <p dir="ltr"><span class='wysiwyg_imageupload image imgupl_floating_none 0'><a href="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/wysiwyg_imageupload_lightbox_preset/wysiwyg_imageupload/563303/IMG_4540(1).jpg" rel="lightbox[wysiwyg_imageupload_inline]" title="A FARC demobilisation camp in Colombia. "><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/article_xlarge/wysiwyg_imageupload/563303/IMG_4540(1).jpg" alt="A FARC demobilisation camp in Colombia." title="A FARC demobilisation camp in Colombia. " width="460" height="345" class="imagecache wysiwyg_imageupload 0 imagecache imagecache-article_xlarge" style="" /></a> <span class='image_meta'><span class='image_title'>A FARC demobilisation camp in Colombia. Photo: Kiran Stallone.</span></span></span>June 20 is the current deadline for FARC combatants in Colombia to finish <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/jun/16/colombia-peace-process-farc-rebels-hand-in-weapons">handing over their weapons </a>to the United Nations in demobilisation camps across the country – a key component of the historic peace deal agreed with the government in December 2016. </p><p dir="ltr">The demobilisation process has moved swiftly – by mid-February, an estimated<a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-39018686"> 6,900 members</a> – including many women – had arrived at these camps across the country. The peace deal brings to an end more than half a century of conflict and, among other things, it<a href="http://www.eltiempo.com/politica/proceso-de-paz/farc-tendran-curules-en-el-congreso-en-2018-47561"> grants the FARC ten seats in congress and the right to form a political party</a>.</p><p dir="ltr">There have been delays, and uncertainty, too. The deadline for decommissioning weapons was originally set for late May – and was then extended to 20 June. Last month,<a href="https://opendemocracy.net/5050/kiran-stallone/yoga-bogota-prison-female-farc-future"> dozens of female FARC combatants remained behind bars in a Bogotá women's prison</a>, unsure of whether or when they might be released to join their counterparts in the camps.</p><p dir="ltr">We went inside one demobilisation camp in the mountains near the Venezuelan border to document daily life in late February, shortly after the arrival of FARC members from two <em>frentes</em> (army groups). When we arrived, combatants were busy building temporary houses, a community centre, and even a football field. </p><p dir="ltr">The immediate area surrounding the camp (the<em> zona veredal</em>) was guarded by FARC members. State military forces were stationed at the bottom of the highway, controlling access to the zone. Under the peace accords, the military is not permitted within three kilometres of the camp. </p><p>After passing the military checkpoint, we reached the inner camp area controlled by the FARC. There, we interviewed female combatants who comprise approximately <a href="http://www.npr.org/sections/parallels/2017/05/03/526690242/after-peace-agreement-a-baby-boom-among-colombias-farc-guerrillas">one third of the total</a>. These photos tell their stories and illustrate their daily lives in the camps.</p><hr /><p dir="ltr"><span class='wysiwyg_imageupload image imgupl_floating_none 0'><a href="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/wysiwyg_imageupload_lightbox_preset/wysiwyg_imageupload/563303/Photo1_0.jpg" rel="lightbox[wysiwyg_imageupload_inline]" title="Territory of peace"><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/article_xlarge/wysiwyg_imageupload/563303/Photo1_0.jpg" alt="lead lead " title="Territory of peace" width="460" height="306" class="imagecache wysiwyg_imageupload 0 imagecache imagecache-article_xlarge" style="" /></a> <span class='image_meta'></span></span>Mid-rank FARC commander Adriana stands in front of a banner which reads: “Welcome to a territory of peace.” Born in central Tolima, Adriana took a bus to northern Colombia to join the FARC when she was 20 years old: “I came from a poor family with limited resources, and I was unable to finish my studies. I wanted to dedicate myself to a cause, and I was concerned about the social and economic problems in this country.” Now, nearly 20 years later, she tells us: “I am more convinced than ever that joining was a good decision. Here, we work collectively to achieve peace and social justice for the Colombian people. When there is no more misery and unemployment, then there will be peace.” (Photo: Julia Zulver.)</p><p dir="ltr">&nbsp;</p><hr /><p>&nbsp;</p><p dir="ltr"><span class='wysiwyg_imageupload image imgupl_floating_none 0'><a href="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/wysiwyg_imageupload_lightbox_preset/wysiwyg_imageupload/563303/Photo9.jpg" rel="lightbox[wysiwyg_imageupload_inline]" title="Inside a demobilisation camp"><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/article_xlarge/wysiwyg_imageupload/563303/Photo9.jpg" alt="" title="Inside a demobilisation camp" width="460" height="345" class="imagecache wysiwyg_imageupload 0 imagecache imagecache-article_xlarge" style="" /></a> <span class='image_meta'></span></span>Camila, 26, was three months pregnant with her first child when we met. The father of the baby she is expecting is a fellow combatant. She said she joined the FARC at 17 years old, after paramilitaries killed her brother and her parents and she found herself displaced, alone, and “without any help from the government.” She told us she hopes that her child will have access to education and that he or she can grow up in a country without war. She said: “in the FARC, we want peace. We just hope the government follows through.” (Photo: Kiran Stallone.)</p><p dir="ltr">&nbsp;</p><hr /><p>&nbsp;</p><p dir="ltr"><span class='wysiwyg_imageupload image imgupl_floating_none 0'><a href="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/wysiwyg_imageupload_lightbox_preset/wysiwyg_imageupload/563303/Photo6.jpg" rel="lightbox[wysiwyg_imageupload_inline]" title="Inside a demobilisation camp"><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/article_xlarge/wysiwyg_imageupload/563303/Photo6.jpg" alt="" title="Inside a demobilisation camp" width="460" height="306" class="imagecache wysiwyg_imageupload 0 imagecache imagecache-article_xlarge" style="" /></a> <span class='image_meta'></span></span>Gladys joined the FARC when she was only 16 years old. Now 42, she says it was the best decision she ever made. Sitting in the shade of a temporary structure used to house visiting family members, we talked about <a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2016/08/11/colombia-sexual-violence-farc-guerrillas-exposed">documented cases of sexual abuse in the ranks</a>, and she seemed shocked. She said: "We bathe in our underwear – men and women together – and nothing happens. We are brothers and sisters here." (Photo: Julia Zulver.)</p><p dir="ltr">&nbsp;</p><hr /><p>&nbsp;</p><p dir="ltr"><span class='wysiwyg_imageupload image imgupl_floating_none 0'><a href="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/wysiwyg_imageupload_lightbox_preset/wysiwyg_imageupload/563303/Photo3.jpg" rel="lightbox[wysiwyg_imageupload_inline]" title="Inside a demobilisation camp"><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/article_xlarge/wysiwyg_imageupload/563303/Photo3.jpg" alt="" title="Inside a demobilisation camp" width="460" height="345" class="imagecache wysiwyg_imageupload 0 imagecache imagecache-article_xlarge" style="" /></a> <span class='image_meta'></span></span>Under the 2016 peace accords, the United Nations is monitoring demobilisation camps and overseeing the process, including the handover of weapons by FARC combatants. They are also in charge of ensuring that no one unauthorised to do so passes beyond the reception zone and into the demobilisation camp. (Photo: Kiran Stallone.)</p><p dir="ltr">&nbsp;</p><hr /><p>&nbsp;</p><p dir="ltr"><span class='wysiwyg_imageupload image imgupl_floating_none 0'><a href="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/wysiwyg_imageupload_lightbox_preset/wysiwyg_imageupload/563303/FARC women(1).jpg" rel="lightbox[wysiwyg_imageupload_inline]" title="Inside a demobilisation camp"><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/article_xlarge/wysiwyg_imageupload/563303/FARC women(1).jpg" alt="" title="Inside a demobilisation camp" width="460" height="368" class="imagecache wysiwyg_imageupload 0 imagecache imagecache-article_xlarge" style="" /></a> <span class='image_meta'></span></span>Margot, recently reunited with her three-year-old son, sits next to her husband, another FARC combatant. Until the peace deal was signed, FARC fighters with children were forced to leave them with family members, as taking a child into combat would be dangerous for all involved. Margot’s son had lived with his grandparents. She tells us that she is concerned about her financial situation after leaving the camp: “Here in the FARC, we are a family of poor countrymen and women. We have everything we need and we support each other. I worry about my son and how to get the resources to care for him as he grows up.” (Photo: Julia Zulver.)</p><p dir="ltr">&nbsp;</p><hr /><p>&nbsp;</p><p dir="ltr"><span class='wysiwyg_imageupload image imgupl_floating_none 0'><a href="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/wysiwyg_imageupload_lightbox_preset/wysiwyg_imageupload/563303/Photo5.jpg" rel="lightbox[wysiwyg_imageupload_inline]" title="Inside a demobilisation camp"><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/article_xlarge/wysiwyg_imageupload/563303/Photo5.jpg" alt="" title="Inside a demobilisation camp" width="460" height="345" class="imagecache wysiwyg_imageupload 0 imagecache imagecache-article_xlarge" style="" /></a> <span class='image_meta'></span></span>The demobilisation process has moved quickly, but imperfectly. Combatants in this camp were frustrated to find that, upon arrival, construction was still underway and incomplete. In late February, housing promised by the government remained unfinished and there was no access to water on the day we arrived. (Photo: Kiran Stallone.)</p><p dir="ltr">&nbsp;</p><hr /><p>&nbsp;</p><p dir="ltr"><span class='wysiwyg_imageupload image imgupl_floating_none 0'><a href="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/wysiwyg_imageupload_lightbox_preset/wysiwyg_imageupload/563303/Photo2.jpg" rel="lightbox[wysiwyg_imageupload_inline]" title="Inside a demobilisation camp"><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/article_xlarge/wysiwyg_imageupload/563303/Photo2.jpg" alt="lead " title="Inside a demobilisation camp" width="460" height="306" class="imagecache wysiwyg_imageupload 0 imagecache imagecache-article_xlarge" style="" /></a> <span class='image_meta'></span></span>Solanyis is from an indigenous mining community in Cesar department. She joined the FARC at 15, and she learned to read and write in the armed group. She describes her time with the FARC as a wonderful experience, saying: “there would be no female fighters in the organisation if they were treated badly.” Here, Solanyis is on guard duty inside the <em>zona veredal</em>, and is thus wearing fatigues. (Photo: Julia Zulver.)</p><p dir="ltr">&nbsp;</p><hr /><p>&nbsp;</p><p dir="ltr"><span class='wysiwyg_imageupload image imgupl_floating_none 0'><a href="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/wysiwyg_imageupload_lightbox_preset/wysiwyg_imageupload/563303/Photo7.jpg" rel="lightbox[wysiwyg_imageupload_inline]" title="Inside a demobilisation camp"><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/article_xlarge/wysiwyg_imageupload/563303/Photo7.jpg" alt="" title="Inside a demobilisation camp" width="460" height="345" class="imagecache wysiwyg_imageupload 0 imagecache imagecache-article_xlarge" style="" /></a> <span class='image_meta'></span></span>Sara was a psychology student in Medellin (Colombia’s second largest city) when a friend invited her to meet the FARC in 2000. She took a bus to the north of the country and, at 20 years old, joined the group. She lied to her family about her whereabouts for more than four years. “It is so beautiful to wake up every day and know that you are truly living and fighting for a good cause. I fell in love with the FARC’s revolutionary project,” she said. (Photo: Kiran Stallone.)</p><p dir="ltr">&nbsp;</p><hr /><p>&nbsp;</p><p dir="ltr"><span class='wysiwyg_imageupload image imgupl_floating_none 0'><a href="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/wysiwyg_imageupload_lightbox_preset/wysiwyg_imageupload/563303/Photo10.jpg" rel="lightbox[wysiwyg_imageupload_inline]" title="Inside a demobilisation camp"><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/article_xlarge/wysiwyg_imageupload/563303/Photo10.jpg" alt="" title="Inside a demobilisation camp" width="460" height="345" class="imagecache wysiwyg_imageupload 0 imagecache imagecache-article_xlarge" style="" /></a> <span class='image_meta'></span></span>Kelly, now 42, joined the FARC when she was 17 because her family was affected by the conflict. She trained as a nurse within the ranks, and took care of those injured in combat. She also provided reproductive health services for female combatants, including administering birth control injections and performing abortions. When asked about <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-35082412">reports on forced abortions</a> by the FARC, she said these are rumours invented to damage their reputation: “We aren’t bad people, and I have never heard of forced abortion within the ranks. If a woman decides to have an abortion, it is her choice.” (Photo: Kiran Stallone.)</p><p dir="ltr">&nbsp;</p><hr /><p><span class='wysiwyg_imageupload image imgupl_floating_none 0'><a href="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/wysiwyg_imageupload_lightbox_preset/wysiwyg_imageupload/563303/Photo11.jpg" rel="lightbox[wysiwyg_imageupload_inline]" title="Inside a demobilisation camp"><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/article_xlarge/wysiwyg_imageupload/563303/Photo11.jpg" alt="" title="Inside a demobilisation camp" width="460" height="345" class="imagecache wysiwyg_imageupload 0 imagecache imagecache-article_xlarge" style="" /></a> <span class='image_meta'></span></span>Combatants prepare lunch in the shade in the demobilisation camp. When we arrive, Leidys (left) offers us a cup of typical Colombian heavily-sugared coffee (tinto). (Photo: Kiran Stallone.)</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>Commander Solís Almedya (not pictured) tells us he's confident about the FARC's prospects as a political party, saying: “we have no history of corruption, and we will speak to the pueblo, so yes, people will vote for us!" The route ahead is not completely clear or easily-traveled, however. On Saturday, there was <a href="http://www.semana.com/nacion/articulo/explosion-en-el-centro-comercial-andino/528962">a bombing at a mall in Bogota</a>, suspected to be the work of another, newer paramilitary group opposed to the peace process. If this proves correct, peace will remain a formidable challenge – for both the FARC and the government.</p><fieldset class="fieldgroup group-sideboxs"><legend>Sideboxes</legend><div class="field field-related-stories"> <div class="field-label">Related stories:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <a href="/5050/kiran-stallone/yoga-bogota-prison-female-farc-future">Yoga in Bogotá: imprisoned female FARC combatants look to the future</a> </div> <div class="field-item even"> <a href="/democraciaabierta/kiran-stallone/yoga-en-bogot-mujeres-combatientes-de-las-farc-miran-el-futuro-desd">Yoga en Bogotá: mujeres combatientes de las FARC miran el futuro desde la cárcel</a> </div> </div> </div> </fieldset> <div class="field field-country"> <div class="field-label"> Country or region:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> Colombia </div> </div> </div> <div class="field field-topics"> <div class="field-label">Topics:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> Conflict </div> </div> </div> <div class="field field-rights"> <div class="field-label">Rights:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> CC by NC 4.0 </div> </div> </div> 50.50 50.50 Colombia Conflict 50.50 Women, Peace & Security women and power gender 50.50 newsletter Julia Zulver Kiran Stallone Mon, 19 Jun 2017 10:06:35 +0000 Kiran Stallone and Julia Zulver 111729 at https://www.opendemocracy.net Julia Zulver https://www.opendemocracy.net/content/julia-zulver <div class="field field-au-term"> <div class="field-label">Author:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> Julia Zulver </div> </div> </div> <p>Dr <strong>Julia Zulver </strong>is the Postdoctoral Gender Researcher on the CONPEACE Team. A&nbsp;graduate of the Latin American Centre at the University of Oxford, her research focuses on women's mobilization under contexts of high violence. She tweets @JZulver</p><p>Dr <strong>Julia Zulver </strong>es investigadora post-doctoral en el proyecto CONPEACE del centro <em>Changing Character of War</em> de la Universidad de Oxford.@JZulver</p> Julia Zulver Thu, 23 Oct 2014 08:24:50 +0000 Julia Zulver 87083 at https://www.opendemocracy.net El Salvador: crisis of masculinity in a machista society https://www.opendemocracy.net/julia-zulver/el-salvador-crisis-of-masculinity-in-machista-society <div class="field field-summary"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <p>Unless the crisis of masculinity in El Salvador is directly tackled, no effort on behalf of women’s organizations will be able to reduce the levels of violence against women that take place in the country.</p> </div> </div> </div> <p>On 1 June, Salvador Sánchez Cerén became the new president of El Salvador. He is the second president in the history of the country to belong to the FMLN. This party was created from the guerrilla army that fought in the Civil War, which lasted from 1980-1992. Interestingly, one of his campaign platforms <a href="http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2014/01/el-salvador-elections-putting-wo-20141288499915469.html">focused on the inclusion of women</a> and women’s rights within the scope of his public policy vision.</p> <p>How well is Sánchez Cerén holding true to the promises he made in his electoral campaigns? In his platform, <a href="http://elecciones2014.elsalvador.com/articulo/sanchez-ceren-promete-ciudad-mujer-%20union-501">the president vowed</a> to create a Ministry of Women, which would deal directly with women’s issues in the country. Shortly after his inauguration, <a href="http://www.notimerica.com/elsalvador/noticia-salvador-ministros-nuevo-gobierno-salvador-toman-posesion-jura-cargo-sanchez-ceren-20140602032028.html">he announced</a> that he would create this ministry in 2015 in order to “continue expanding benefits to women in all of the of [the government’s] ministerial mandates.” In another speech, <a href="http://www.elsalvador.com/mwedh/nota/nota_completa.asp?idCat=47673&amp;idArt=8849751">he commented</a>: “we have made many advances in women’s rights, but we need to continue moving towards equality between men and women, and what’s more, we need to end violence against women. There is still a long path to walk.” </p> <p>The FMLN <a href="http://www.lapagina.com.sv/nacionales/95459/2014/05/14/Benito-Lara-seria-el-nuevo-ministro-de-Seguridad">has championed</a> in its mandate the participation of women in public affairs, but as of yet, this resolve has yet to be actualized. The question remains: how is the new President planning to tackle violence given the current mechanisms that exist to advance women’s rights? <a href="http://www.ciudadmujer.gob.sv/">Ciudad Mujer</a> is an example of a progressive project created under the presidency of Mauricio Funes. Located in five cities around the country, <a href="http://www.ciudadmujer.gob.sv/index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=175&amp;Itemid=84">the centres claim</a> to offer sexual and reproductive health resources, holistic attention regarding cases of violence against women, economic empowerment, and the promotion of women’s rights.</p> <p>That said, pervasive misogyny reigns in El Salvador. Judges have brazenly admitted that they are disinclined to acquiesce to the clauses outlined in the <em>Ley Especial </em>(a law promoting women’s rights). Silvia Juárez, prominent member of the Violence Observatory at ORMUSA, <a href="http://www.diariocolatino.com/es/20130627/nacionales/117273/Feministas-denuncian-%20impunidad-del-98-en-casos-de-violencia-en-contra-la-mujer.htm#.UczQi4MPh0c">asks how</a>, when judges ‘govern with their stomachs’, the country will ever reach a state of rights and democracy. The observatory for which she works <a href="http://www.diariocolatino.com/es/20130627/nacionales/117273/Feministas-denuncian-%20impunidad-del-98-en-casos-de-violencia-en-contra-la-mujer.htm#.UczQi4MPh0c">claims an impunity rate of 98%</a> when it comes to cases of violence against women. Furthermore, policewomen have denounced their male colleagues as both perpetuating norms of gender violence, as well as acting in direct contradiction to the Special Law. A policewoman interviewed in a BBC article <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/noticias/2013/03/121102_femicidio_feminicidio_salvador.shtml">notes that her male colleagues</a> are liable to dismiss gender violence cases by saying that the woman should try to sort the situation out with her partner. The big challenge, <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/noticias/2013/03/121102_femicidio_feminicidio_salvador.shtml">notes journalist Ignacio de los Reyes</a>, is that the authorities themselves begin to eradicate the <em>machismo</em> that still exists within state decrees. </p> <p>How useful are any of the skills promoted by Ciudad Mujer, then, when El Salvador is undergoing a crisis of masculinity, of the most perverse nature? That is to say, a situation in which the levels of violence in El Salvador are so high, that violence against women rises, in part, as a consequence of the quotidian violence that <em>men</em> face in the street every day. Mo Hume <a href="http://eprints.gla.ac.uk/40907/">writes in her book</a> that in the current climate of extreme violence (augmented by gang violence), violence against women is less of a priority for the state, and has increasingly become a punchbag for men to vent their frustrations.</p><p><span class='wysiwyg_imageupload image imgupl_floating_none 0'><a href="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/wysiwyg_imageupload_lightbox_preset/wysiwyg_imageupload/553184/3043774 (1)_0.jpg" rel="lightbox[wysiwyg_imageupload_inline]" title="Gang violence in San Salvador"><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/article_xlarge/wysiwyg_imageupload/553184/3043774 (1)_0.jpg" alt="" title="Gang violence in San Salvador" width="460" height="306" class="imagecache wysiwyg_imageupload 0 imagecache imagecache-article_xlarge" style="" /></a> <span class='image_meta'><span class='image_title'>Gang violence in San Salvador Demotix / Jan Sochor. All rights reserved</span></span></span><span>My research investigates the strategies employed by women’s groups in El Salvador in contexts of extreme violence, both in the public and private spheres (that is, in and outside of the home). I have documented a variety of different avenues via which women’s organizations such as </span><a href="http://www.ormusa.org/">ORMUSA</a><span>, </span><a href="http://www.mujeresmsm.org/">MSM</a><span>, and </span><a href="http://imuelsalvador.org/">IMU</a><span> organize in ways that seek to create collective identity and build social capital in order to combat violence against women. The </span><em>Ley Especial e Integral para una Vida Libre de Violencia para las Mujeres, </em><span>put into action in early 2012, </span><a href="http://www.asamblea.gob.sv/eparlamento/indice-legislativo/buscador-de-documentos-legislativos/ley-especial-integral-para-una-vida-libre-de-violncia-para-las-mujeres">guarantees women protection</a><span> from a variety of different gendered crimes, including physical and sexual, but also emotional and economic violence.</span></p> <p>Projects developed around this Law, however, have little chance of success (in terms of reducing violence against women) unless the attitudes of the country’s men also change. Indeed, in recent months, the feminicide rate in El Salvador <a href="http://observatoriodeviolencia.ormusa.org/feminicidios.php">has increased again</a>, after decreasing in the months following the initiation of the (original) <a href="http://www.pulsamerica.co.uk/2013/10/21/el-salvador-femicides-see-downtrend/">infamous gang truce</a>. No matter how strong or determined the actions of women’s movements, the phenomenon of violence against women is inextricably tied to the violence that takes place among men. It is not hard to surmise that the new increase in violence against men that will inevitably occur while the fate of the gang truce is in jeopardy will have an effect on the rate of violence against women in the country.</p> <p>While the Salvadoran government seems (at least nominally) to be committed to reducing levels of violence against women, I argue that it will take more than the creation of a Ministry of Women, or directing funding towards Ciudad Mujer, in order to lead to a real change in the lived reality of Salvadoran women. Indeed, unless the government includes a gendered perspective in its analysis – and set of proposed solutions – to deal with a newfound increase in gang (and accordingly, general public) violence, women will continue to represent the hidden faces of violence in El Salvador.</p> <p>Héctor Núñez González is one of the leaders of a program run through <a href="http://www.centrolascasas.org/proyectos.html">Centro Bartolomé de las Casas</a>. The program&nbsp;seeks to deconstruct hegemonic ideas of masculinity in contexts of high violence.&nbsp;In a personal interview, Núñez recognized that the phenomenon of violence “quickly becomes normalized.” As such, despite its good intentions to create new models of what it means to be a man in Salvadoran society, the program does not have a high attendance rate. What is more, the people who elect to attend a course about generating new concepts of masculinity are perhaps not those who need the change of perspective the most.</p> <p>If the new Salvadoran government truly believes that it can change the situation of violence against women by engaging in traditional gender mainstreaming techniques it will be disappointed, as the levels of feminicide continue to rise. </p> <p>If the government instead desires to create a real change in the situation of Salvadoran women writ large, it will need to engage with, expand, and promote programs and solutions that also tackle men’s ideas of both masculinity/ies – that is, in their multiple forms, and femininities, and the ways in which they are deeply relational. Unless Sánchez Cerén <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/noticias/2013/03/121102_femicidio_feminicidio_salvador.s%20html">engages with the problem</a> of pandemic levels of violence against women – as a direct consequence of violence between and against men in the country -- the phenomenon will not decrease, and, in fact, may rise.</p> <p>The latest news is that UN Women has launched a new program, HeForShe. The <a href="http://www.heforshe.org/EmmaWatsonSpeech.pdf">keynote speech for the launch of this program</a> recognized that: “We want to end gender inequality - and to do that we need everyone to participate. This is the first campaign of its kind at the UN: we want to try and galvanize as many men and boys as possible to be advocates for change. And we don’t just want to TALK about it, but make sure it is tangible.<a href="https://reprorights.org/FileShare/Bogota/jzulver/Desktop/Other%20Stuff/zulver_masculinity.docx#_ftn21">[21]</a>” </p> <p>Indeed, the women’s movement will need male allies in order to change entrenched gender power structures. With that said, before inviting men to join the cause, society will need to make sure that these men are educated about what it truly means to fight for gender equality. This is where there emerges space for government to play an important role.</p> <p>I am not saying is that there is no value in the creation of a Ministry of Woman, nor the continued support of the Ciudad Mujer project. There are obviously numerous benefits in providing specialized services for women, among which are included projects aimed towards female empowerment through economic security.</p> <p>What needs to be stressed, however, is the fact that unless the crisis of masculinity in El Salvador is directly addressed and tackled, no effort on behalf of women’s organizations will be able to reduce the levels of violence against women that take place in the country. The term ‘gender’ is often fallaciously used as a synonym for ‘women.’ The case of El Salvador clearly indicates that treating the case of extreme levels of violence (and particularly, its manifestation as violence against women) as a purely ‘men’s’ or &nbsp;‘women’s’ issue, will be insufficient in leading to any change in the lived realities of the people of El Salvador.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p><fieldset class="fieldgroup group-sideboxs"><legend>Sideboxes</legend><div class="field field-related-stories"> <div class="field-label">Related stories:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <a href="/sylvia-marcos/zapatista-women%E2%80%99s-revolutionary-law-as-it-is-lived-today">The Zapatista Women’s Revolutionary Law as it is lived today</a> </div> </div> </div> </fieldset> <div class="field field-country"> <div class="field-label"> Country or region:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> El Salvador </div> </div> </div> <div class="field field-topics"> <div class="field-label">Topics:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> Civil society </div> <div class="field-item even"> Conflict </div> <div class="field-item odd"> Culture </div> <div class="field-item even"> Democracy and government </div> <div class="field-item odd"> Economics </div> <div class="field-item even"> Equality </div> </div> </div> El Salvador Civil society Conflict Culture Democracy and government Economics Equality Julia Zulver Thu, 23 Oct 2014 08:23:17 +0000 Julia Zulver 87082 at https://www.opendemocracy.net