openDemocracy https://www.opendemocracy.net/ en Job: OurBeeb editor https://www.opendemocracy.net/opendemocracy/job-vacancy-ourbeeb-editor <div class="field field-summary"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <p dir="ltr">openDemocracy is looking for a skilled editor to help shape a public debate about the future of the BBC.&nbsp;<span style="line-height: 1.5;">Application deadline: May 31st 10am (GMT)</span></p> </div> </div> </div> <h3><strong>Who are we looking for?</strong></h3><p dir="ltr">openDemocracy is looking for a skilled editor to help shape a public debate about the future of the BBC. Your role will be to lead openDemocracy's OurBeeb section, to commission and publish articles, develop partnerships and help expand the projects’s readership and impact. This is a part time role, working three days a week.</p><p dir="ltr">We need someone with excellent editorial and communication skills and knowledge of the BBC and its history. You must have a nuanced understanding of the challenges and opportunities for public service broadcasting in the 21st century and ideas about how the sector might be transformed in the near future.</p><p dir="ltr">This is a key position in a small team, and you will join the project at a critical and exciting moment. The BBC's Charter renewal period will be entering its final stage, with huge ramifications for British media and cultural production. We will be publishing into the online project and also putting together a book, 'What do we want from the BBC?' to broaden the debate at this crucial moment. We may even be in the aftermath of a Leave vote, looking at how public service media might adapt in a UK outside of the EU.&nbsp;</p><h3><strong>What is the ourBeeb debate?</strong></h3><p dir="ltr"><a href="http://www.opendemocracy.net/ourbeeb/" target="_blank">OurBeeb</a>&nbsp;is a debate on the nature and future of public service broadcasting across Britain in all its forms and media. As the Charter Renewal process goes on largely behind closed doors we will be asking: How can we ensure public service media are creative and accountable to the public? How can the BBC itself be felt to be 'ours', by the public who fund it and whose many voices it claims to represent?</p><p dir="ltr">Funded by 95% of British homes via the licence fee, the BBC belongs to the people, not the government. OurBeeb is independent, non-partisan, and aims to ensure that the discussion about the future of British Broadcasting Corporation is in the hands of the British people.&nbsp;</p><h3><strong>Main responsibilities of the role:</strong></h3><p dir="ltr">· Commission, edit and publish pieces</p><p dir="ltr">· Further the project’s impact; build its social media presence</p><p dir="ltr">· Identify and build relationships with new contributors</p><p dir="ltr">· Represent OurBeeb at media events</p><p dir="ltr"><span>·</span><span>&nbsp;L</span><span>ook into potential for ourBeeb offline debates.</span></p><h3><strong>To Apply:</strong></h3><p dir="ltr">Please send a covering letter outlining how you are suitable for the role and a brief CV to&nbsp;<a href="mailto:recruitment@opendemocracy.net" target="_blank">recruitment@opendemocracy.net</a></p><p dir="ltr">The deadline is: Tuesday 31 May 10am (GMT)</p><div class="field field-rights"> <div class="field-label">Rights:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> CC by NC 4.0 </div> </div> </div> OurBeeb uk openDemocracy News openDemocracy Fri, 13 May 2016 11:00:12 +0000 openDemocracy 95105 at https://www.opendemocracy.net Spain: no country for old-men-politics? https://www.opendemocracy.net/uk/austerity-media/mar-jos-g-mez-fuentes-laura-castillo-mateu/spain-no-country-for-old-men-politics <div class="field field-summary"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <p>While male politicians occupy newspapers headlines, television and radio debates in Spain, at local and regional levels women for change are challenging austerity head on<em>.</em><em> Part of the <a href="https://opendemocracy.net/austerity-media">Anti-Austerity and Media Activism series</a>.</em></p> </div> </div> </div> <p><span class='wysiwyg_imageupload image imgupl_floating_none 0'><a href="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/wysiwyg_imageupload_lightbox_preset/wysiwyg_imageupload/535628/colau.jpg" rel="lightbox[wysiwyg_imageupload_inline]" title=""><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/article_xlarge/wysiwyg_imageupload/535628/colau.jpg" alt="" title="" width="460" height="308" class="imagecache wysiwyg_imageupload 0 imagecache imagecache-article_xlarge" style="" /></a> <span class='image_meta'><span class='image_title'>Flickr/BarcelonaEnComu. Some rights reserved.</span></span></span></p><p>Spain’s political landscape has undergone remarkable changes in the last few years. The coming together of the groups that gave rise to the <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/mar/31/podemos-revolution-radical-academics-changed-european-politics">15M anti-austerity movement</a>, and that led to the recently created party of <em>Podemos </em>followed<em> </em>by<em> </em>the progressive loss of <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/oct/27/spanish-authorities-arrest-51-anti-corruption-sweep">popularity and credibility</a> of the governing party, crystallized in December into a new parliament, with the traditional hegemonic parties, <em>Partido Popular</em> (PP) and <em>Partido Socialista Obrero Español</em> (PSOE), suffering severe losses.</p> <p>The current state of affairs could have been foreseen after the <a href="http://links.org.au/node/4443">local and regional elections</a> in May, when the two-party system that had ruled Spain for almost 40 years was overturned by the electoral gains made by <em>Podemos</em> and <em>Ciudadanos</em>, a different self-styled centre-right political movement. </p> <p>In Madrid Manuela Carmena, the <em>Ahora Madrid</em> coalition’s candidate backed up by Podemos, won the mayoral race and currently runs the city. In Barcelona the candidate for <em>Barcelona en Comú, </em>Ada Colau, was elected mayoress despite - or perhaps due - to her humble beginnings as an anti-eviction activist. Her victory was described in terms of a <a href="http://www.catalannewsagency.com/politics/item/alternative-left-wins-barcelona-elections-by-a-close-margin-and-government-formation-is-uncertain">David against Goliath</a> struggle, after seeking a deal with PSOE and nationalist parties ERC and the CUP. In the Valencian region, the candidate from the left-wing nationalist coalition <em>Compromís</em>, Mónica Oltra, gained the vice-presidency of the regional government, thanks to successful negotiations with PSOE and <em>Podemos</em>.</p> <p>These coalitions were formed on the assumption that the citizenship had to be given an account of the terms in which these agreements were made, which opened the way to rethink relations of accountability between politics and media. Contrary to Mariano Rajoy, who used to be mocked for engaging with journalists only through a <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/jul/17/spain-revenge-mariano-rajoy">plasma display</a>, and distancing themselves even from Pablo Iglesias, whose discourse has been perceived as high-brow and focused on macro-structural issues, the explanations coming from Manuela Carmena, Ada Colau and Mónica Oltra’s administrations were not only dealing with everyday problems but were framed in a down-to-earth language. Their political performance has been situated within an effort to alleviate families from their everyday suffering while at the same explaining their policies clearly.&nbsp; </p> <p>As frequently happens when it comes to women and politics, sexism has been present in comments made about their image, their decorum and their professional capacities. Journalists <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_S8ohWJMyXc">have questioned</a> Ada Colau’s humble origins and a member of the Spanish Academy felt the need to criticise her policies by suggesting that she would be <a href="http://www.eldiario.es/rastreador/RAE-Felix-Azua-Ada-Colau_6_500859921.html">better off selling fish</a>. Mónica Oltra’s political career in the opposition of the Valencian parliament has been maligned by the press and often centred on her choice of <a href="http://elpais.com/elpais/2015/05/25/album/1432557818_278355.html#1432557818_278355_1432558537">t-shirts</a>. Manuela Carmena’s ethics have been questioned by the conservative press regarding supposedly luxury <a href="http://www.thelocal.es/20150819/politicians-holidays-under-scrutiny-in-spain">vacations</a> and for not firing her spokesperson after she was prosecuted and financially sanctioned for having marched against religious sexism in a university chapel while being a student. </p> <p>However, despite these stereotypical representations, Manuela Carmena, Ada Colau and Mónica Oltra have managed to work in their respective strongholds and focused on the anti-austerity measures influencing their constituencies. Their policies have been mainly articulated through two welfare issues: <em>housing</em> and the <em>politics of care</em>, both personal and environmental. The first measure taken by Manuela Carmena in Madrid was the creation of a local <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/jul/28/madrid-mayor-scraps-eviction-orders-social-housing">anti-eviction</a> office in charge of mediating with the banks. To combat the high level of <a href="http://elpais.com/elpais/2015/11/13/inenglish/1447402110_230650.html">pollution</a> in Madrid, she has implemented a ban on cars parking in the city centre. In Barcelona, the administration of Ada Colau has proposed an alternative tourism model, listening to the <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/sep/02/mass-tourism-kill-city-barcelona">complaints</a> from neighbourhood assemblies. However, her most talked about measure has to do with the <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/spain/12006236/Barcelonas-Left-wing-mayor-plans-to-introduce-official-brothels.html">regulation</a> of the activity of female prostitutes in the streets. Mónica Oltra has focused in matters of transparency in political institutions and the investigation of the previous administration in the Valencian Country. Following her efforts while in opposition, the current government in Valencia has settled all pending benefits claims with families with dependent members.</p> <p>These extraordinary politicians have even attempted to go beyond their own regional frameworks by coming forward in the <a href="http://elpais.com/elpais/2015/09/04/inenglish/1441357906_077075.html">Refugees Welcome</a> global initiatives. Their three cities have joined the network of communities where residents could register to have refugees stay in their homes. </p> <p>In this context, it comes as no surprise that the press and media have constructed an image of a female triad and labelled them <a href="http://www.elboletin.com/nacional/116873/partido-popular-madrid-valencia.html"><em>Las Mujeres del Cambio</em></a> (Women of Change). The media has focused on the <a href="http://www.france24.com/en/20150613-spain-madrid-mayor-hugging-grandma-carmena">maternal connotations</a> that these women and their policies may embody and have been portrayed embracing, hugging or kissing. In a post-modernist twist, they have even been represented as <a href="https://juanuria.files.wordpress.com/2015/05/la-cambia.jpg">superheroines</a>. </p> <p>However, and despite their achievements since coming into power, the efforts of Manuela Carmena, Ada Colau and Mónica Oltra have not been able to encourage or speed up the negotiations to form a national government. The male leaders of PSOE (Pedro Sánchez), <em>Podemos</em> (Pablo Iglesias) and <em>Ciudadanos</em> (Albert Rivera) have not been able to make concessions to form a coalitional government <a href="http://politikon.es/2015/12/29/spain-is-not-denmark-in-yet-another-sense/">á la <em>Borgen</em></a>. The hopeful winds for change that the national poll results appeared to promise are to end up in new <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/apr/26/spain-faces-new-elections-june-parties-fail-to-form-government">elections in June</a>. Even Manuela Carmena, inadvertently projecting the maternal connotations assigned by some of the press, criticised the male candidates of PSOE and <em>Podemos</em> by saying that they were ‘<a href="http://www.elmundo.es/madrid/2016/03/09/56e0a974268e3eeb0f8b4573.html">acting like children</a>’ when what they should be doing is making a national coalitional government possible.</p> <p>Despite the political deadlock experienced in Spain, the appearance of these three female leaders in the Spanish institutional political arena, with their policy-making distanced from economist approaches on austerity, represents an approach that focuses on putting a new way of doing politics at the forefront of the administration. This is based on an ethics of relationality that delves into how to make life worth living and how to sustain it collectively. As if following the work of Judith <a href="https://ejournals.library.ualberta.ca/index.php/CJS/article/view/21561/16269">Butler and Athena Athanasiou</a>, they have introduced ‘ethics as a way of opening to new modes of political sociality’. This, at the same time, could be read in contemporary Spanish history as being the result of a long legacy of feminist and women’s struggles, whose recuperation has not been prioritised by institutional frameworks. </p> <p>These three female politicians project an image of <a href="https://www.diagonalperiodico.net/la-plaza/26225-por-manuela-carmena.html">dialogue</a> and accountability, unlike their counterparts -Pedro Sánchez, Pablo Iglesias and Albert Rivera, who, due in part to their egos and apparent unshakable principles, have been unable to reach common ground. The message coming from the work done by Manuela Carmena, Ada Colau and Mónica Oltra is that politics against austerity are possible. While male politicians occupy newspapers headlines and TV and radio debates, at local and regional levels things are happening and women for change are challenging austerity heads on.</p><fieldset class="fieldgroup group-sideboxs"><legend>Sideboxes</legend><div class="field field-related-stories"> <div class="field-label">Related stories:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <a href="/uk/austerity-media/petros-iosifidis/greek-media-and-independent-journalism-under-austerity">Greek media and independent journalism under austerity</a> </div> <div class="field-item even"> <a href="/uk/austerity-media/jim-aindow/this-is-what-anti-austerity-looks-like">This is what Anti-Austerity looks like</a> </div> <div class="field-item odd"> <a href="/uk/austerity-media/michael-wayne-deirdre-o-neill/invisible-victims-of-economic-violence-ought-to-sha">The invisible victims of economic violence ought to shame the media</a> </div> <div class="field-item even"> <a href="/uk/austerity-media/laura-basu/media-amnesia-austerity-and-great-crisis">Media amnesia, austerity and the great crisis</a> </div> </div> </div> </fieldset> <div class="field field-rights"> <div class="field-label">Rights:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> CC by NC 4.0 </div> </div> </div> uk uk Media activism and anti austerity Laura Castillo Mateu María José Gámez Fuentes Thu, 26 May 2016 23:11:11 +0000 Laura Castillo Mateu and María José Gámez Fuentes 102462 at https://www.opendemocracy.net Cancelled brain scan could have saved UK immigration detainee https://www.opendemocracy.net/uk/shinealight/phil-miller/cancelled-brain-scan-could-have-saved-uk-immigration-detainee <div class="field field-summary"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <p>Inquest, Day Four: Neurologist testifies that he might have saved 25 year old Bruno Dos Santos.&nbsp;</p> </div> </div> </div> <p><span class='wysiwyg_imageupload image imgupl_floating_none caption-xlarge'><a href="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/wysiwyg_imageupload_lightbox_preset/wysiwyg_imageupload/536680/Dorchester-county-hall.jpeg" rel="lightbox[wysiwyg_imageupload_inline]" title=""><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/article_xlarge/wysiwyg_imageupload/536680/Dorchester-county-hall.jpeg" alt="" title="" width="460" height="281" class="imagecache wysiwyg_imageupload caption-xlarge imagecache imagecache-article_xlarge" style="" /></a> <span class='image_meta'><span class='image_title'>Dorchester County Court (Phil Miller)</span></span></span></p><p>A missed brain scan could have led to potentially life saving treatment for a young man who died in immigration detention, an inquest jury heard yesterday.</p> <p>Bruno Dos Santos, a 25 year old Angolan, died suddenly at the Verne prison in Dorset on 4 June 2014, alone in his cell.</p> <p>Dr Mark Walker, a neuropathologist who examined brain tissue from the dead man, found swelling consistent with a rare disease called neurosarcoidosis.&nbsp;</p> <p>“The likely cause of death was that an inflammatory process in the brain cells resulted in sudden death,” he said. “Inflammation in this region may have resulted in sudden stoppage of heart or breathing.”</p> <p>Dos Santos, who also suffered from epileptic seizures, had been scheduled to attend an MRI scan months before he died.</p> <p>However HMP Thameside, a prison run by Serco, where he was then being held, refused to let him attend the appointment due to “security reasons”, the senior coroner Mr Sheriff Payne said.</p> <p>Dr Cocco, a neurologist, said that a brain scan appointment on 24 February 2014 could have led to life saving treatment.</p> <p>“It was probable that I would have seen abnormalities and definite that I would have made further investigations,” he told the inquest jury at Dorchester county hall.</p> <p>Doctors have to rule out multiple causes of brain swelling before arriving at a diagnosis of neurosarcoidosis.</p> <p>Although this takes time, Dr Cocco said tests could have been completed before Dos Santos died.</p> <p>“I could have obtained all the results within two to three months… Most probably a diagnosis would have been made between 24 April and 24 May,” he said.</p> <p>The neurologist would then have given Dos Santos potentially life saving steroids at least ten days before he died.&nbsp;</p> <p>Nick Brown, a barrister from Doughty Street Chambers who is representing the Dos Santos family, asked the neurologist: “Would he have responded enough to prevent the neurosarcoidosis causing him to go into respiratory or cardiac arrest?”</p> <p>Dr Cocco replied: “Probably in 60 to 70% of cases he would have responded to steroids within days.”&nbsp;</p> <p>A lawyer for the Ministry of Justice, Georgina Woolf, argued that it was unlikely the medical tests would have happened fast enough, telling Dr Cocco:</p> <p>“I wish it was an ideal world but in the real world, on the balance of probabilities, by 4 June it is unlikely that you would have been able to get a clear diagnosis, start treatment and that he would respond.”</p> <p>Dos Santos had swelling in a part of his brain which neuropathologist Dr Walker described as the “most complicated structure in the known universe”.</p> <p>The medulla, or brain stem, sits above the spine and subconsciously controls a persons breathing and heart beat. Dr Walker compared it to a plane’s autopilot.&nbsp;</p> <p>It is not certain whether Dos Santos had already developed this condition at the time of the missed brain scan. Academic literature on the evolution of neurosarcoidosis is scarce.</p> <p>The inquest continues. A verdict is expected today.</p><fieldset class="fieldgroup group-sideboxs"><legend>Sideboxes</legend><div class="field field-related-stories"> <div class="field-label">Related stories:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <a href="/uk/shinealight/rebecca-omonira-oyekanmi/medicines-untaken-appointments-missed-by-young-man-who-died-">Medicines untaken, appointments missed by young man who died at immigration lockup</a> </div> <div class="field-item even"> <a href="/uk/shinealight/rebecca-omonira-oyekanmi/doubts-over-cause-of-death-of-25-year-old-man-at-remote-uk-i">Doubts over cause of death of man, 25, at remote UK immigration lockup</a> </div> <div class="field-item odd"> <a href="/uk/shinealight/rebecca-omonira-oyekanmi/private-prison-run-by-serco-cancelled-immigration-detainee-s">Private prison run by Serco cancelled immigration detainee’s brain scan</a> </div> </div> </div> </fieldset> <div class="field field-rights"> <div class="field-label">Rights:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> CC by NC 4.0 </div> </div> </div> uk uk Care and justice Immigration detention and removal in the UK Shine A Light Phil Miller Thu, 26 May 2016 23:00:19 +0000 Phil Miller 102480 at https://www.opendemocracy.net Reflections: antisemitism, anti-imperialism and liberal communitarianism https://www.opendemocracy.net/can-europe-make-it/marcel-stoetzler/reflections-antisemitism-anti-imperialism-and-liberal-communitar <div class="field field-summary"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <p>In the current European context, associations between left-wing movements and the far-right, anti-cosmopolitan ‘revolt against modernity’ are very much fringe phenomena. Everything should be done to keep it that way.</p> </div> </div> </div> <p><span class='wysiwyg_imageupload image imgupl_floating_none caption-xlarge'><a href="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/wysiwyg_imageupload_lightbox_preset/wysiwyg_imageupload/500209/County_Hall_-_geograph.org_.uk_-_221547.jpg" rel="lightbox[wysiwyg_imageupload_inline]" title=""><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/article_xlarge/wysiwyg_imageupload/500209/County_Hall_-_geograph.org_.uk_-_221547.jpg" alt="" title="" class="imagecache wysiwyg_imageupload caption-xlarge imagecache imagecache-article_xlarge" style="" width="460" /></a> <span class='image_meta'><span class='image_title'>Ken Livingstone's Greater London Council HQ. The banner angled to annoy Thatcher reads "London's Unemployed May-83 = 353,371".Wikicommons/OLU. Some rights reserved.</span></span></span>The politically explosive modern form of antisemitism is the one that is central to the modern, conservative-revolutionary reaction to modernity. Two of the key problems in the analysis of (and struggle against) antisemitism are, to what extent does the modern right-wing critique of capitalist modernity overlap with its left-wing counterpart, and why does the latter sometimes fail to distinguish itself unambiguously from this mortal enemy? In varying contexts, from the Weimar KPD, via Foucault on Iran, to contemporary Labour politicians, some on the left grant too much to their enemy’s enemies, and are perhaps too fuzzy in their thinking to distinguish their own longing for the community of an emancipated future from their enemies’ longing for the racially or spiritually purified, re-born community of whichever reactionary fantasy.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; </p> <p>The principal strength and attraction of antisemitism lies in its being beyond ordinary politics: <em>antisemitism is meta-political</em>. Both on the right and the left its value is that it connects to the opposite side. The ambiguous meaning of the word ‘socialism’ in its name was one of National Socialism’s strengths, although Hitler made clear enough that his was a socialism ‘the German way’, namely without the corrosive Jewish-Marxist bits about class struggle. Although its specifics put Nazism in many respects into a category all of its own, it also belongs into the wider category of nationalist socialisms that affirm the capitalist mode of production but are ‘anticapitalistic’ in their rejection of this or that detail of capitalist circulation and reproduction – greedy bankers who behave like locust swarms, that kind of thing – and seek a solution to ‘the social question’ at the level of the nation. There are many of those, and they are not about to go away. They are by nature receptive to antisemitism if and when it seems opportune for whichever contextual – cultural, historical – reasons. </p><p>The anti-imperialism of the metropolitan Left that indulges even the most abhorrent of ‘my enemy’s enemies’ acts out on the canvas of ‘the Orient’ the communitarian imaginary which at home, due to the practical requirements of capitalist statecraft, tends to be muted. ‘Empowerment’ of ‘the communities’, historically a speciality of British administration of subject peoples in the key of divide-and-rule, has returned to the metropole mostly at the local level, in the form of the multiculturalist administration of large cities. Not incidentally, in this area Ken Livingston is much more of an expert than in German history. The strategic embrace at the level of world politics of Muslim Brotherhood, Hamas and Hizbollah is mirrored at the political micro-level by the communitarian mode of multiculturalist policy that was in Britain pioneered by Livingston’s Greater London Council in the 1980s. </p> <p>The shared ground that makes possible the meta-politics of antisemitism is characterized by the emphasis on community over class struggle, totality over fragmentation. Antisemitism with its boundary-transcending and taboo-breaking mystique is the signature of those who aim to transcend partiality, fragmentation, particularity and division by exorcising the fragmenters. The bad reality of nationalism (that is evidenced by Israeli just as any other nation-state realpolitik) is ideologically distilled into the imaginary pure essence of true heroic patriotism (such as, say, that of ‘the Palestinians’) versus the evil scheming of the anti-nation, ‘the Jews’ as embodied in that people-eating imperialistic entity maliciously implanted into the Arcadian shores of the Mediterranean. Such almost cosmological dualisms are of course utterly unhelpful to either side of the actual conflict.</p> <p>In the current European context, associations between left-wing movements and the far-right, anti-cosmopolitan ‘revolt against modernity’ are very much fringe phenomena. Everything should be done to keep it that way. The currently most prominent context for antisemitism to materialize on the liberal and socialist left is that of supporting, or at least not opposing, the ultra-conservative (in terms of economic policy usually neo-liberal) Islamist resistance to ‘westoxification’ in diverse parts of the world at the cost of abandoning the trade unionists, feminists, Marxists, Jews and gays whom this ‘resistance’ is out to kill. Islamism, like other forms of modern ‘fundamentalism’, developed in tandem with and took inspiration from the European, anti-Enlightenment, post-WW1 Conservative Revolution (most prominently via its influential theorist, Sayyid Qutb). Far from being radical, its metropolitan supporters are traitors who have abandoned the Enlightenment’s still largely undelivered promise of human emancipation. </p> <p>Many on ‘the left’ seem to take at face value the famous formula of imperialism as the ‘highest stage’ of capitalism, an un-Marxist concept devised for practical, not theoretical, reasons by Lenin. Lenin adopted it from discussions within British New Liberalism, in particular that formulated in the context of the Boer war by the liberal antisemite Hobson. Of course any committed anti-capitalist would want to fight capitalism where it is at its ‘highest stage’, and if one believes this to be ‘imperialism’, then anti-imperialism has to carry more weight than good old-fashioned trade-unionism, women’s emancipation and other forms of struggle that relate to capitalism’s not so high stages. The stupidity of such a perspective is helped through the misleading rhetoric of ‘stages’ which suggests that the fundamental characteristics of capitalism (say, the appropriation of the surplus product, i.e. the product of wage labour beyond the value of the wage, which means, in a modern society, most of it) have somehow become last year’s snow. The term ‘imperialism’ bundles together a range of phenomena, and likewise ‘anti-imperialism’ is a rather shape-shifting creature, depending obviously on what it believes ‘imperialism’ to be. </p> <p>Some, following Marx’s position, have accused European imperialists of preventing the global spread of the capitalist mode of production from destroying conservative social and cultural structures that stand in the way of human emancipation, notably clerical and other non-rational forms of the cultural legitimation of domination. This was a critique of the fact that metropolitan capitalism is quite happy to keep in place and utilize ‘traditional’ social forms of oppression and domination in the periphery. Still in the 1970s, this was the predominant liberal and Marxist position: cynical and greedy Europeans prevent capitalism from furthering capitalist development elsewhere, and therewith also the globalisation of the conditions of overcoming capitalism itself. </p><p>Others, by contrast, accused imperialism of actually doing what Marx had <em>hoped</em> it would do: globalizing a secular, more humane and liberating modernity that would sponsor the overcoming of the cultural and political muck of ages as well as of modernity’s own principal engine, capitalism. This seems now the predominant position of ‘the left’, though: imperialism, which is really just capitalism under a different name, is rejected because it destroys cultural identities and imposes universally identical imperial monoculture. This is the conservative critique of capitalist modernity that Marx spent a lifetime fighting against. Hegel would have relished the irony that anti-imperialism has become a brand name for cultural reactionaries in various parts of the world who learned from European revolutionary conservatives how to use reactionary aspects of western modernity against its own – still largely undelivered – promise of emancipation. He would have been more than a little surprised to see, though, that so many of his own liberal and socialist descendants support such people. Those who think that ‘imperialism’ is a valid category of analysis still must make any support dependent on what the social content of any particular anti-imperialist struggle is: in the name of which societal goals is the struggle being conducted?</p> <p>Differing from their ancestors in the nineteenth-century salad days of wild, brutal and honest liberalism, the political parties of developed bourgeois democracy share with their totalitarian opponents the compulsion to deny their partiality: they profess to disdain representing interests, standpoints, bias, and in general the icy waters of egoism that flow in the baptismal fonts of modernity. Although even progressive capitalists agree that ‘the economy’ needs nothing more than an army of thoroughly greedy and egoistic trade-unionists who drive up wages and spending levels, particularity and partisanship are the devil to the sublime idealism of modern mass membership political parties. They work for the integration of society by whipping <em>amour propre</em> out of its constituents. </p><p>Those by tradition seen as stubborn representatives of difference, even if they in fact want nothing more than being equal, are unlikely to be looked upon with grace by the nationalist spokespeople of the harmonious commonweal. The more liberal of these modern nationalists will happily endorse the Jews’ own nationalism, as long as they put up their tents elsewhere, while others will find Jewish nationalism exceptionally, unacceptably, shockingly egoistic: it is just that little bit <em>too</em> particularistic. The national homeland of the eternal non-nationals cannot but disturb the eternal peace that liberals assume will result from granting all <em>genuine</em> nations their right to self-determination. Whether they happen in other respects to be ‘right-wing’ or ‘left-wing’ is accidental. </p> <p>Due to its spread in the hand luggage of western civilization, antisemitism has turned from a local problem of Europeans to a global issue, more pervasive than ever. It is perfectly in tune with the general dynamics of globalization that some Muslim immigrant groups in Europe would hire religious instructors from their (spiritual or actual) countries of origin who reimport to them, in translation, also some of the less attractive ideas that Europeans had developed in the nineteenth century to address the darker sides of rapid modernization. </p> <p>One of these time-honoured European ideas is political antisemitism. If and when European Muslims adopt it, then it should be seen as a sign of their successful integration into a world system dominated by Europeans and explained by western ideas: as liberal and socialist anti-imperialists know well, imperialism has a habit of shaping also the resistance to itself. Without doubt, though, current immigrants to Europe are as well able as anybody else to figure out which of the many contradictory things that the dialectic of enlightenment has produced – from brain surgery to the atom bomb, from multicultural society to the Holocaust – are emancipatory and useful, and which are not – unless they are deprived of the breathing space to do so. If liberal society can defeat its own illiberalism, then enlightenment can still ‘master itself and assume its own power’ (Horkheimer and Adorno) and figure out how to get to ‘the better state of things … where one can be different without fear’ (Adorno).</p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p><strong>Literature consulted:</strong></p> <p>Adorno, Theodor W. 1978, <em>Minima Moralia, Reflections from damaged life</em>, London: Verso </p> <p>Al-Azmeh, Aziz, 1991, ‘Islamist Revivalism and Western Ideologies’, in: <em>History Workshop Journal</em> 31:2, 44-53</p> <p>Bassi, Camila, 2010, ‘“The Anti-Imperialism of Fools“: A Cautionary Story on the Revolutionary Socialist Vanguard of England’s Post-9/11 Anti-War Movement’, <em>ACME: An International E-Journal for Critical Geographies</em>, 9(2): 113–137.</p> <p>Bhatt, Chetan, 2014, ‘The Virtues of Violence: The Salafi-Jihadi Political Universe’, <em>Theory, Culture &amp; Society</em> 31:1, 25-48</p> <p>Boyd, Jonathan and L. Daniel Staetsky, 2015. ‘<a href="http://www.jpr.org.uk/documents/JPR.2015.Policy_Debate_-_Contemporary_Antisemitism.pdf">Could it happen here? What existing data tell us about contemporary antisemitism in the UK</a>’. Institute for Jewish Policy Research.</p> <p>Bright, Martin. 2006. <a href="http://www.policyexchange.org.uk/publications/category/item/when-progressives-treat-with-reactionaries-the-british-state-s-flirtation-with-radical-islamism"><em>When Progressives Treat with Reactionaries. The British State’s flirtation with radical Islamism</em></a>. Policy Exchange </p> <p>Cooper, Melinda, 2008, ‘Orientalism in the Mirror. The Sexual Politics of Anti-Modernism’, in: <em>Theory, Culture &amp; Society</em> 25:6, 25-49</p> <p>Euben, Roxanne L. 1997. ‘Premodern, Antimodern or Postmodern? Islamic and Western Critiques of Modernity’. <em>The Review of Politics 59:3</em>, 429-459.</p> <p>Halliday, Fred. 2007. ‘The Jihadism of Fools’. <em>Dissent 54:1</em>, 53-56</p> <p>Horkheimer, Max; Theodor W. Adorno, 2002, <em>Dialectic of Enlightenment, Philosophical Fragments, edited by Gunzelin Schmid Noerr, translated by Edmund Jephcott</em>, Stanford: Stanford University Press</p> <p>Mathew, Biju. 2012. ‘<a href="http://www.samarmagazine.org/archive/articles/379">Wrestling the Dinosaur: Reflections on the Post 9/11 Decade</a>’. </p> <p>Mufti, Aamir R., 2007, ‘Fanatics in Europa’. <em>Boundary 2, 34:1</em>, 17-23</p> <p>Postone, Moishe, 2006. ‘History and Helplessness: Mass Mobilization and Contemporary Forms of Anticapitalism’, in: <em>Public Culture 18:1</em>, 93-110</p> <p>Sahgal, Gita and Nira Yuval-Davis, 1990, ‘<a href="http://banmarchive.org.uk/collections/mt/index_frame.htm">Refusing Holy Orders</a>’, in <em>Marxism Today</em> March 1990 </p> <p>Wolfe, Ross. ‘<a href="https://thecharnelhouse.org/2016/04/30/reflections-on-left-antisemitism/">Reflections on Left antisemitism</a>’. April 30, 2016.&nbsp;<a href="https://thecharnelhouse.org/2016/04/30/reflections-on-left-antisemitism/"></a></p><fieldset class="fieldgroup group-sideboxs"><legend>Sideboxes</legend><div class="field field-related-stories"> <div class="field-label">Related stories:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <a href="/uk/james-mcash/left-wing-anti-semitism-what-is-it-and-what-is-to-be-done">Left wing anti-Semitism: what is it, and what is to be done?</a> </div> <div class="field-item even"> <a href="/avi-shlaim-gwyn-daniel/labour-party-israel-and-antisemitism">The Labour Party, Israel, and antisemitism</a> </div> <div class="field-item odd"> <a href="/arun-kundnani/way-out-of-labour-party-anti-semitism-crisis-requires-politics-of-solidarity">The way out of the Labour Party’s ‘anti-Semitism crisis’ requires a politics of solidarity</a> </div> </div> </div> </fieldset> <div class="field field-country"> <div class="field-label"> Country or region:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> UK </div> <div class="field-item even"> EU </div> <div class="field-item odd"> Israel </div> </div> </div> <div class="field field-topics"> <div class="field-label">Topics:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> Civil society </div> <div class="field-item even"> Conflict </div> <div class="field-item odd"> Culture </div> <div class="field-item even"> Democracy and government </div> <div class="field-item odd"> Ideas </div> <div class="field-item even"> International politics </div> </div> </div> <div class="field field-rights"> <div class="field-label">Rights:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> CC by NC 4.0 </div> </div> </div> Can Europe make it? Can Europe make it? uk Israel EU UK Civil society Conflict Culture Democracy and government Ideas International politics nationalism Marcel Stoetzler Thu, 26 May 2016 22:02:14 +0000 Marcel Stoetzler 102481 at https://www.opendemocracy.net Private prison run by Serco cancelled immigration detainee’s brain scan https://www.opendemocracy.net/uk/shinealight/rebecca-omonira-oyekanmi/private-prison-run-by-serco-cancelled-immigration-detainee-s <div class="field field-summary"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <p>Jury hears that HMP Thameside staff didn’t know the rules concerning hospital appointments. Bruno Dos Santos Inquest, Day Three.&nbsp;</p> </div> </div> </div> <p><span class='wysiwyg_imageupload image imgupl_floating_none caption-xlarge'><a href="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/wysiwyg_imageupload_lightbox_preset/wysiwyg_imageupload/536680/*SERCO THAMESIDE 26 MAY2016.jpg" rel="lightbox[wysiwyg_imageupload_inline]" title=""><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/article_xlarge/wysiwyg_imageupload/536680/*SERCO THAMESIDE 26 MAY2016.jpg" alt="" title="" width="460" height="212" class="imagecache wysiwyg_imageupload caption-xlarge imagecache imagecache-article_xlarge" style="" /></a> <span class='image_meta'><span class='image_title'>Corporate image (Serco)</span></span></span></p><p>Healthcare staff at Thameside Prison in London were unaware that a young man in their care was detained for immigration purposes, which led to him missing a hospital appointment that might have saved his life, an inquest jury heard yesterday. </p> <p>Bruno Dos Santos, 25, was detained at HMP Thameside for several months from September 2013 until May 2014, a court sitting in Dorchester was told yesterday. In May he was transferred to the Verne Immigration Removal Centre in Dorset, where he died on 4 June.&nbsp; </p> <p>Dos Santos had a complex medical history and was taking medication for epilepsy, depression and shoulder pain. He suffered from severe epileptic fits and had dislocated both shoulders as a result of frequent seizures. In February 2014, while detained at Thameside, Dos Santos was assessed by Dr Giovanni Cocco, a consultant neurologist. </p> <p>Following the appointment Dr Cocco wrote to a GP working at the prison explaining that the young man’s fits were a result of trauma after being knocked down by car aged 10. After the car accident Dos Santos was in a coma for two or three days. He then spent several months in hospital re-learning how to walk, talk and carry out basic tasks. Dr Cocco recommended Dos Santos undergo an MRI, EEG and an ECG, and that his anti-epileptic medication be increased gradually. An MRI appointment was booked for 23 February. </p> <p>The court heard that Rida Kamsilla, a nurse working at Thameside, spoke to Dos Santos the day before his appointment on 23 February. When he told her about it, she told the wing officer that Dos Santos “is not going anywhere tomorrow”. She then passed the same message on to the senior nurse on duty asking for the appointment to be cancelled. Nurse Kamsilla told the court that she was following prison policy at the time, which was that patients should not be given dates regarding external appointments. This was for security reasons, she said. </p> <p>Nick Brown, the barrister representing the family, suggested that Nurse Kamsilla had been “over officious” in making this decision. “It was not your decision to make,” he said. Instead, he said, she should have passed it on to another member of staff to carry out a proper risk assessment. She replied that she was simply following the policy. Brown asked if the policy was written anywhere and nurse Kamsilla replied that it was not. Brown then questioned the nurse about Dos Santos’s immigration status.</p> <p>Brown: “Were you aware that he was an immigration detainee?”</p> <p>Kamsilla: “No, I was not aware.”</p> <p>Brown: “Were you aware of the policy on immigration detainees at that time?”</p> <p>Kamsilla: “No.”</p> <p>Brown then read from the Detention Services Order 2012 which states that: “Every effort must be made to keep and fulfil medical appointments of detainees, both those arranged prior to and during detention.” </p> <p>The rules also state that external appointments must be considered on a case by case basis, he said. This assessment would consider factors such as the seriousness of the condition of the detainee. </p> <p>“Bruno would have undergone an MRI if a proper risk assessment had been made?” Brown asked Nurse Kamsilla. “Yes,” she answered. </p> <p>Earlier, the jury heard that Dr Esther Okumo, a locum doctor working at Thameside, had also been unaware that Dos Santos was an immigration detainee and not a prisoner at the time. Dr Okumo said she was unaware that there are policies governing the treatment of immigration detainees. </p> <p>Once Dos Santos’s appointment was cancelled there was no follow up to reschedule, the jury heard. Several months after the missed appointment, Dr Cocco wrote to Dr Okumo to ask why he had missed the appointment, and whether another should be booked. Dr Okumo said she was shocked to discover this and immediately rebooked it. Several times during her evidence Dr Okumo mentioned the number of prisoners held at Thameside at the time (approximately 900), and said that errors were sometimes made and missed appointments were a common occurrences. </p> <p>However, when Brown asked if the prison was “under staffed” and unable to offer “proper continuity of care” for prisoners as a result, she said: “I am not going to admit that. It’s not my place … I’m just telling you what goes on.”</p> <p>The court also heard from staff at Belmarsh prison, where Dos Santos was held as prisoner between January and May 2013. He was charged and convicted of robbery and served a sentence of one year and four months. He became an immigration detainee in September 2013 when he moved to Thameside. It was revealed that a GP at Belmarsh, Dr Ekpo said he had referred Dos Santos for an MRI scan in January 2013, several months before his move to Thameside. However, there was no record of the referral on the prison’s internal record system and no appointment was made.</p> <p>On 6 May 2014, the court heard that Dos Santos told staff at Thameside that he had suffered another fit during the night. A staff nurse made a note on the prison’s electronic system for managing medical records for prisoners and included a comment from Dos Santos. Brown read it aloud to the court: “The last comment that we have from Bruno is ‘stated that his medication does not work’. He was transferred to the Verne the next day.”</p> <p>The inquest continues. &nbsp;</p><fieldset class="fieldgroup group-sideboxs"><legend>Sideboxes</legend><div class="field field-related-stories"> <div class="field-label">Related stories:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <a href="/uk/shinealight/rebecca-omonira-oyekanmi/medicines-untaken-appointments-missed-by-young-man-who-died-">Medicines untaken, appointments missed by young man who died at immigration lockup</a> </div> <div class="field-item even"> <a href="/uk/shinealight/rebecca-omonira-oyekanmi/doubts-over-cause-of-death-of-25-year-old-man-at-remote-uk-i">Doubts over cause of death of man, 25, at remote UK immigration lockup</a> </div> </div> </div> </fieldset> <div class="field field-rights"> <div class="field-label">Rights:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> CC by NC 4.0 </div> </div> </div> uk uk Care and justice Immigration detention and removal in the UK Shine A Light Rebecca Omonira-Oyekanmi Thu, 26 May 2016 21:15:53 +0000 Rebecca Omonira-Oyekanmi 102479 at https://www.opendemocracy.net Democracy after Sanders https://www.opendemocracy.net/vito-laterza/democracy-after-sanders <div class="field field-summary"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <p>Building a progressive alternative, beyond social media and mass rallies.</p> </div> </div> </div> <p><a href="https://opendemocracy.net/openmovements"><img src="https://dy1m18dp41gup.cloudfront.net/cdn/farfuture/O85Ogfjhg5yzs7fM33p3IombLfDuMBD3pHGR5vqdVQI/mtime:1426508017/files/openmovements-banner.jpg" alt="open Movements" width="460px" /></a><br /><b>The <i><a href="https://opendemocracy.net/openmovements">openMovements</a></i> series invites leading social scientists to share their research results and perspectives on contemporary social struggles.</b></p> <p><span class='wysiwyg_imageupload image imgupl_floating_none caption-xlarge'><a href="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/wysiwyg_imageupload_lightbox_preset/wysiwyg_imageupload/500209/23705876183_3c527b2595_z.jpg" rel="lightbox[wysiwyg_imageupload_inline]" title=""><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/article_xlarge/wysiwyg_imageupload/500209/23705876183_3c527b2595_z.jpg" alt="" title="" class="imagecache wysiwyg_imageupload caption-xlarge imagecache imagecache-article_xlarge" style="" width="460"/></a> <span class='image_meta'><span class='image_title'>Bernie Sanders podium. Flickr/Gage Skidmore. Some rights reserved.</span></span></span></p><p><i>The US presidential primaries have shown that </i><i>there are important similarities and convergences in methods and tactics between Donald Trump’s followers and sections of Bernie Sanders' mass support. Even though the two movements have radically different goals, the politics of feeling and the use of social media and mass rallies to campaign for utopian change are closer than one might imagine. But while social media activism and mass rallies can act as a catalyst to spread a vision, they cannot on their own deliver the desired change.</i><b><i></i></b></p> <p>Hillary Clinton’s recent victories in big states like New York and Pennsylvania consolidated her lead over Bernie Sanders. She is likely to be the Democratic candidate in the November presidential contest. Clinton’s opponent on the Republican side will probably be Donald Trump. Sanders, however, is far from defeated. He has won several states and mobilized millions of voters, with a particularly strong appeal among the youth, traditionally disillusioned with mainstream politics. Most of all, he has succeeded in shifting the axis of American – and Democratic – politics to the left, with a focus on strong public services and wealth redistribution.</p> <p>The Sanders’ campaign has remained on the whole anchored on key policy issues – free university education, free universal healthcare, redistribution of wealth by taxing the rich and financial capital, among others. The tone between the two Democratic contenders has become increasingly bitter, but Sanders made it clear that, despite the big differences, he would support Clinton if she becomes the Democratic nominee. But will his supporters follow him? Various polls <a href="http://usuncut.com/politics/sanders-supporters/">show</a> that in November a significant section of Sanders’ electorate <a href="http://www.politico.com/blogs/2016-dem-primary-live-updates-and-results/2016/04/sanders-supporters-not-vote-clinton-221642">will not vote</a> for Clinton – and a <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2016/mar/13/bernie-sanders-supporters-consider-donald-trump-no-hillary-clinton">smaller proportion</a> might even vote for Trump.</p> <p>In the last months, a parallel spontaneous campaign on social media expressed similar sentiments. The message is clear: Clinton embodies the worst of the US establishment. She should be held responsible for the atrocious acts conducted by the American military complex in recent years – especially Libya and Syria. She is in the pockets of corporations who pay her exorbitant speaker fees. She is a promoter of anti-poor measures, and conveniently adjusts her policy stances to appease her audience. The conclusion is that Clinton is no better than Trump, and it would be wrong to support her as the “lesser evil” against him.</p> <p>Some went further. Far left intellectual John Pilger <a href="https://newmatilda.com/2016/03/23/john-pilger-why-hillary-clinton-is-more-dangerous-than-donald-trump/">argued</a> that Trump would be a better president than Clinton. According to him, he would be an anti-establishment president, less interested in waging wars abroad than Hillary Clinton. Hollywood actress Susan Sarandon <a href="http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/03/susan-sarandon-bernie-sanders/475875/">said</a> that, while she supports Sanders, she thinks that voting Trump might not be a bad idea. Her argument is an extreme version of Marxist revolutionary theory: a candidate like Trump would bring all the contradictions of the system to the fore, a prelude to the “inevitable” collapse that will give way to a new, and presumably better, world order.</p> <p>How is it possible that sectors of the far left committed to anti-racism, anti-imperialism, gender equality and human rights, are basically endorsing a candidate like Donald Trump who is overtly racist, sexist, xenophobic, supports the use of torture, and openly instigates his supporters to violence?</p> <h2><b>Far left and far right converge</b></h2> <p>There are a number of factors that explain this paradoxical situation and the mounting wave of anti-Clinton sentiments. Sexism plays a role: if Clinton does pretty much what most other American establishment politicians have done, why do the same actions all of a sudden encounter such a furious reaction? Race is another issue: there is a tendency among white leftists to underestimate the scourge of white supremacy and its dangers. After all, they are much more palpable for people of color and migrants than for whites. <span class="mag-quote-right">There is a utopian charge in these demands that cannot be ignored. People are calling for a new world order to deliver them from the evils and injustices of the current dispensation.</span></p> <p>Some of these positions are also informed by a good deal of left vanguardism: Trump could either bring down the establishment with his far-fetched anti-establishment policies, or escalate ongoing global conflict to a point of no return – thus allegedly opening the way for radical change that far left groups could harness in the “right” direction. In this view, Clinton is just another pawn of the system, and her liberalism would slow down this process of irreversible decline.</p> <p>But there seems to be a closer convergence between the far left and the far right – or to put it more simply, between many of Sanders’ supporters and Trump’s fans. The visions that drive the two groups are radically different. Sanders’ socialist democrat ideas call for a market regulated by the state via taxation and state-led redistribution, emphasize free goods available to all like health and education, and uphold principles of equality and human rights based on an anti-imperialist internationalism.</p> <p>Trump’s worldview flirts dangerously with white supremacy and asserts the primacy of the needs of disgruntled whites, who are seen as the only true Americans, threatened by “Mexican migrants” and Muslims. A dislike of big government and an emphasis on individual freedom have more of a currency among his supporters.</p> <p>But there is something that unites people on both sides: they are tired and angry with the current system that is threatening their economic base and the possibility of a dignified existence. The crowds calling for change have experienced the negative effects of the withdrawal of state support, which funded decent public education at all levels, grants to cushion unemployment and mitigate work poverty, and vital social spaces like public libraries and community centers. The concurring changes in the economy, which drove real wages down and made everybody precarious, destroyed any sense of workers’ wellbeing and stability, broke unions and diminished workers’ solidarity. Big corporations killed the local grocery stores where owners had friendly relations with their customers and neighbors. The growth of material insecurity has gone hand in hand with the drastic erosion of social bonds and a sense of community. </p> <p>The very fabric that holds communities together is now under threat, with the visible effects of a dramatic increase in alienation and anxiety, and the disappearance of face-to-face regular contact with other fellow citizens. Families, neighborhoods and civic associations have been weakened by the increasing control of big corporations over all aspects of life. Government bureaucracies are more interested in policing citizens, than providing them with essential social services. In the midst of this crisis, social media have taken over as the main public space for the disaffected majority to express grievances, alongside their innermost hopes and fears. </p> <p>The process hit hardest those who were already suffering from structural discrimination: people of color, women, low-income migrants and people with disabilities, to name a few. But the middle classes have also been affected and <a href="http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2016/05/my-secret-shame/476415/">experienced</a> a huge reversal of the fortunes built up in the post-war boom. Nor are these trends confined to the United States: they are spreading in most areas of the world, to differing extents and in significantly different socio-economic contexts.</p> <p>Trump and Sanders are able to draw support from the same broad social base that went through this crisis – even though they offer radically different remedies to it. There are also similarities in the organizing tools and methods used to make political demands and call for solutions. People on both sides have a powerful weapon in their hands: a politics of emotions that is hard to dismiss. They shout back at power their frustrations and suffering caused by a system that does not listen to them. These emotionally charged statements are used to mobilize support in social media and gather crowds at rallies. They help masses of isolated and disenfranchised individuals to connect with each other and foster new solidarities.</p> <p>But exactly because their actions are driven by a sense of exasperation and disillusionment with traditional politics, these movements do not want to carry on with the conventional mechanisms of representative democracy. Sanders and Trump’s supporters are asking their leaders to do away with the ills of the system all at once, and to avoid at all cost compromising with those that would stand in their way – mainstream politicians, bankers and corporations are the main enemies. There is a utopian charge in these demands that cannot be ignored. People are calling for a new world order to deliver them from the evils and injustices of the current dispensation. Gradualist approaches to reform are perceived as ineffective and ultimately serving the interests of the powerful.</p> <h2><b>Social democracy and broad consensus</b></h2> <p>This is not new. Movements like Occupy and Black Lives Matter, again with very different agendas and goals, have developed over the years similar methods and ways of making political claims. But their rejection of representative democratic structures has been more extreme: they have stayed away for the most part from electoral politics, and favored horizontal participation and leaderless structures. <span class="mag-quote-left">There is no doubt that, despite the challenges, the tradition of grassroots organizing and long-term community projects is alive and well in America.</span></p> <p>This is different in the case of Sanders and Trump. Supporters have chosen a leader to bring about change. Trump’s case is easier to understand. He is able to manipulate and appease his crowds. His narcissistic personality leaves no doubts about the leadership style: he portrays himself as an authoritarian figure that will deliver what the crowds demand, all they have to do is place their trust in him.</p> <p>As for Sanders, there is a fundamental tension between the kind of mass support he is drawing and his own politics. Sanders is an old-school social democrat. The media label him a “radical” only because the cultural hegemony of neoliberalism has made it taboo to advocate for policies like free education and higher taxes for the rich.</p> <p>He comes from an era when grassroots organizing in small communities with long-term bonds went hand in hand with fighting for a different national and international economic and political system. His experience as mayor in the small city of Burlington, Vermont, is <a href="http://www.wbur.org/2016/03/18/bernie-sanders-burlington-vermont">telling</a>. Elected against all odds in 1981, he was re-elected three times. He mobilized citizens to reclaim the waterfront from corporate interests, winning a landmark legal battle that went all the way up to the Supreme Court. The revitalized waterfront became a successful example of urban renewal, with playgrounds, parks and cycle routes opened to the public. He made more affordable housing available, and worked with civic organizations, unions and social welfare agencies to improve citizens’ welfare. At the same time, he invited intellectuals like Chomsky to public events and condemned US imperialism. Sanders proved to be an effective and visionary administrator, committed to broader social change. His success in Burlington was as much about engaging people in the streets, as it was about conducting long and tiring negotiations with powerful people and institutions.</p> <p>There is no doubt that, despite the challenges, the tradition of grassroots organizing and long-term community projects is alive and well in America. It is not an accident that Sanders started his presidential campaign in Burlington. But we rarely hear about this kind of politics in the hype created by his candidacy. We hear about his crowdfunding, #FeelTheBern and other hashtags used by his supporters, how many millions of strangers have been reached by catchy campaign ads.</p> <p>Sanders’ policies were the pillars of social democracy in Europe until recently, and are still current in Nordic countries like Norway and Sweden. Not only there is nothing “radical” in these policies, but they were supported – and still are in the Nordics – by a broad consensus that encompassed most political parties from left to right, trade unions, churches, and civil society organizations fighting against various forms of discrimination. </p> <p>Sanders’ policies have been effectively implemented by government bureaucrats supported by a large alliance linking people in small communities all the way up to the national levers of power. Of course it would be delusional to think that we can replicate those historical conditions at will. But still, there is a lesson there that is easily forgotten. Behind social democracy, there was a national society, composed of various popular associations that maintained strong and durable bonds between their members, with frequent face-to-face contact. This world has little in common with the Facebook video montages of Sanders’ speeches accompanied by dreamy music and pictures preluding to a “brave new world” that is supposedly just around the corner.</p><p><span class='wysiwyg_imageupload image imgupl_floating_none caption-xlarge'><a href="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/wysiwyg_imageupload_lightbox_preset/wysiwyg_imageupload/500209/24332664065_329332cc7d_z.jpg" rel="lightbox[wysiwyg_imageupload_inline]" title=""><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/article_xlarge/wysiwyg_imageupload/500209/24332664065_329332cc7d_z.jpg" alt="" title="" class="imagecache wysiwyg_imageupload caption-xlarge imagecache imagecache-article_xlarge" style="" width="460"/></a> <span class='image_meta'><span class='image_title'>Bernie Sanders supporters. Flickr/Gage Skidmore. Some rights reserved.</span></span></span></p> <h2><b>Beyond mass protest</b></h2> <p>The current structures of US liberal democracy are fundamentally flawed. They have become part and parcel of a system that excludes most people from decision-making and endorses policies that actively work against them. Mass protest plays the essential role of signalling to a corrupt and undemocratic establishment that things have to change and soon. But it cannot deliver the changes desired by itself. Contemporary forms of dissent are a response to the loss of community and sense of belonging produced by decades of free market rule. They are also weakened by that very loss: many of Sanders’ supporters want community and belonging, the same principles Sanders is fighting for. But they struggle to find other durable avenues for community building beyond social media and mass rallies.</p> <p>As we move closer to the end of the Democratic primaries, the Sanders’ campaign has a tremendous opportunity. It can harness the positive power of mass dissent into a durable social movement fighting for a progressive alternative to the current US-dominated world order. The horizon is much longer than the likely presidential contest between Clinton and Trump – even though it should be clear by now that a Trump victory would only do harm to such aspirations.</p> <p>It is time to start talking seriously again about a grassroots politics that aims to build a broad consensus, give priority to long-term face-to-face projects with physical communities offline, and recruit skillful and honest politicians to connect people to places where decisions are made – Sanders is one of them. We can use social media and the momentum built by his campaign for this, but the main goal should be to harness the unprecedented explosion of anger and hope into political actions that will bring tangible change in people's lives.</p> <p>We hear a lot about all kinds of experiments to address the democratic deficit in decision-making mechanisms – from direct action to digital democracy and more. But few talk about a more profound crisis: our lives are filled with alienation and isolation, our communities have been broken, and impersonal forms of social interaction are replacing personal ones. Meeting with other citizens outside our close circles is good for democracy. But we should be skeptical of impromptu mass gatherings and social media debates as the only places to make vital decisions that will affect our lives for years to come. </p> <p>We need to develop democratic spaces that address common national and global challenges, but are grounded in local interactions and foster bonds among people in the physical world. New technologies can hugely improve our lives, but ultimately society is made of humans. The kind of human interactions we foster make all the difference in this world – and the next.</p> <div style="background-color: #f9f3ff; width: 100%; float: right; border-top: solid 3px #DAC2EA;" class="partnership-in-article-banner-infobox"> <div style="margin-bottom: 8px; padding: 14px;" class="partnership-in-article-banner-infobox-inner"><span style="font-size: 1.2em; margin-bottom: 8px;"><b>How to cite:</b></span><br />Laterza V.(2016) Democracy after Sanders, Open Democracy / ISA RC-47: Open Movements,17 May. https://opendemocracy.net/vito-laterza/democracy-after-sanders</div><a href="https://opendemocracy.net/openmovements"><img style="width: 460px;" src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/openmovements-banner.jpg" /></a> </div><fieldset class="fieldgroup group-sideboxs"><legend>Sideboxes</legend><div class="field field-read-on"> <div class="field-label"> 'Read On' Sidebox:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <p><a href="https://opendemocracy.net/openmovements"><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/openmovements-banner-small_1.jpg" alt="" /></a></p> <p>More from the <a href="https://opendemocracy.net/openmovements">openMovements</a> partnership.</p> </div> </div> </div> <div class="field field-related-stories"> <div class="field-label">Related stories:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <a href="/bob-rigg/bernie-sanders-has-morphed-into-serious-contender">Bernie Sanders has morphed into a serious contender</a> </div> <div class="field-item even"> <a href="/mariano-aguirre/why-donald-trump-could-be-president">Why Donald Trump could be president</a> </div> <div class="field-item odd"> <a href="/julian-sayarer/real-need-to-figure-out-what-is-going-on">Trump &amp; the real need to “figure out what is going on”</a> </div> </div> </div> </fieldset> <div class="field field-country"> <div class="field-label"> Country or region:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> United States </div> <div class="field-item even"> EU </div> </div> </div> <div class="field field-topics"> <div class="field-label">Topics:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> Civil society </div> <div class="field-item even"> Conflict </div> <div class="field-item odd"> Democracy and government </div> <div class="field-item even"> Ideas </div> <div class="field-item odd"> International politics </div> </div> </div> <div class="field field-rights"> <div class="field-label">Rights:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> CC by NC 4.0 </div> </div> </div> EU United States Civil society Conflict Democracy and government Ideas International politics openmovements Vito Laterza Thu, 26 May 2016 19:18:23 +0000 Vito Laterza 102475 at https://www.opendemocracy.net From the 'working class' to 'the people' - how 15M is changing the discourse in Spain https://www.opendemocracy.net/can-europe-make-it/eduardo-muriel/from-working-class-to-people-how-15m-is-changing-discourse-in-spai <div class="field field-summary"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <p>"The fetishisation of the 'working class' or the hammer and sickle is an exercise of idealism," according to Jorge Moruno, head of discourse in Podemos. <em><a href="http://www.lamarea.com/2016/05/14/como-cambio-el-15-m-el-discurso-de-la-izquierda-en-espana/">Español</a>.</em></p> </div> </div> </div> <p><span class='wysiwyg_imageupload image imgupl_floating_none 0'><a href="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/wysiwyg_imageupload_lightbox_preset/wysiwyg_imageupload/548777/indig2.jpg" rel="lightbox[wysiwyg_imageupload_inline]" title=""><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/article_xlarge/wysiwyg_imageupload/548777/indig2.jpg" alt="" title="" width="460" height="259" class="imagecache wysiwyg_imageupload 0 imagecache imagecache-article_xlarge" style="" /></a> <span class='image_meta'><span class='image_title'>Signs of 15M. youtube. CC.</span></span></span><span>The 15M politicized a generation and in many ways, broke the consensus which constituted the ground of the so-called ‘78 Regime that emerged from the transition to democracy.</span></p><p>It widened the frame of the discussion and forced the traditional parties and institutions to make concessions regarding internal democracy and transparency, while at the same time they were forced to transform their discourse. </p><p>However, the 15M also had an impact on the left. The traditional concepts of that political sector have been nuanced, and in today’s electoral campaign there are more appeals to the “people” or “those below”, for example, than appeals to the “working class”, and the remembrance of the 15M or the <em>mareas</em> is prioritized over the republican struggle, among other changes.</p> <p>According to Jaime Aja, who belongs to Izquierda Unida (IU, “United Left”) communication team, the 15M slogans –and he quotes the motto “We are not merchandises in the hands of politicians and bankers”- “did not water down the left discourse in terms of class, but they refreshed it”. </p><p>Aja considers that when the movement was born, IU was living a period of “lack of credibility.” This need of putting together discourse and practice was, in his opinion, the biggest lesson that the party learned. “Recovering the credibility –and I think that we are doing it- needs a lot of work and time, and addressing these changes can generate conflicts, such as the one that we have faced in Madrid”, he continues.</p> <p>In this way, the subject of the social struggle in 15M is “the people”, an actor “with who it is easier to feel represented”, points Aja, who recognises that Alberto Garzón and other IU candidates’ discourses were “harder” ten years ago. Nevertheless, he affirms that in the current discourses the social conflict is still very present: “The ingredients of the discourse are not lighter, on the contrary; what has changed is the recipes and the cooks”, he points out. </p><p>The important thing, to sum up, would be to succeed in expressing the same level of conflict but making more people feel represented. “Saying ‘we are those below against those on top’ - a discourse that was collectively built - implies the fact that there are exploitation and privileges, it implies reintroducing the class analysis.”</p> <p>Aja points out two dangers related with this change in the rhetoric. On the one hand, the danger of assimilating the discourse of the dominant class, which could lead to “assuming its postulates”, and, on the other hand, “falling into any form of elitism, either disregarding the people because they don’t understand you or to stop talking about social conflicts because “people won’t understand you”.</p> <h2><strong>“We need to be deeply secular”</strong></h2> <p>While IU suffered an adaptation of its discourse due to the emergence of the 15M, Podemos was born once the “game board” and the frames of discussion had changed. In that sense, Jorge Moruno, the party’s head of discourse, says that the 15M “took the whole left by surprise, from the establishment left to the social movements,” and it put on the table “a series of solutions that are not only defined from the classic perspective of the left”. </p><p>According to this sociologist, the 15M implies the moment of “fissure” which shows “a long-term process, which was influenced by mobilisations such as the housing movement, against the Bolonia Plan or Juventud Sin Futuro (“Youth Without Future”), which represents a new generation of militants who did not think about themselves within the classical limits of the left.”</p> <p>According to Moruno, when the 15M emerged, the crisis of the left “became obvious”; the left “thought, in a mechanical way, that in a time of inequality of indignation, there would be communicating vessels that would pull the left up by default, which is not true”. In that sense, the 15M would have been a “vaccine” against the far right which is rising in other European countries.</p> <p>Regarding the abandonment of some concepts of the twentieth century left, Moruno believes that when doing politics “it is necessary to be deeply secular”. “There is a historical movement for autonomy that appears in ancient Greece, in the French, English and American revolutions, in the workers’ movement… an eternal tension between those who obey and those who command”, he says. </p><p>That is why he defends that the precise way in which that struggle is embodied in a specific historical context is the ‘dependant’ variable. “First we need to study the specific situation and then draw conclusions. The fetishisation of the name “working class” or the hammer and sickle is an exercise of idealism”, he says. “One can go over the Marxist classics and understand that you must not impose identity in society but you need to think about the society in order to determine which symbolic elements we can use”, he adds.</p> <p>In the last days, Podemos and IU have received criticism from the PAH (the anti-evictions platform) and the group #15MpaRato (an anti-corruption group born out of 15M). Moruno believes that Podemos is not “an extension or an appendix” of the 15M, not even that it will represent it. </p><p>“It is obvious that Podemos would not exist without the 15M but, who is the 15M? The people who were in the square? The online discussions? A living social tissue? It’s something that doesn’t have a name”, he theorizes. </p><p>And he vindicates the role of the “moving society” in order to generate a counter-power that acts as a guarantee regarding political instruments such as Podemos.</p><p><em>Originally published in Spanish <a href="http://www.lamarea.com/2016/05/14/como-cambio-el-15-m-el-discurso-de-la-izquierda-en-espana/)">here</a>.</em></p><p><em>Translated by&nbsp;Pablo Castaño Tierno.</em></p><fieldset class="fieldgroup group-sideboxs"><legend>Sideboxes</legend><div class="field field-related-stories"> <div class="field-label">Related stories:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <a href="/can-europe-make-it/simona-levi/open-letter-to-nuitdebout-from-indignados-districts-of-internet">An open letter to #NuitDebout from the Indignados’ districts of the internet </a> </div> <div class="field-item even"> <a href="/can-europe-make-it/joan-pedro-alberto-azc-rate-lorenzo-pascasio/manifesto-for-civil-liberties"> Manifesto for civil liberties</a> </div> </div> </div> </fieldset> <div class="field field-country"> <div class="field-label"> Country or region:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> Spain </div> </div> </div> <div class="field field-rights"> <div class="field-label">Rights:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> CC by NC 4.0 </div> </div> </div> Can Europe make it? Can Europe make it? Spain Eduardo Muriel Thu, 26 May 2016 19:06:05 +0000 Eduardo Muriel 102472 at https://www.opendemocracy.net Lebanese activists leave their ‘comfort zone’: how to overcome mistrust in conventional politics https://www.opendemocracy.net/alexandra-kassir/lebanese-activists-leave-their-comfort-zone-how-to-overcome-mistrust-in-conventiona <div class="field field-summary"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <p>In a context where all other forms of political action seemed to be blocked in the foreseeable future, municipal elections offer a unique opportunity to challenge the establishment.<strong><ins datetime="2016-05-26T18:27" cite="mailto:Rosemary%20Bechler"></ins></strong></p> </div> </div> </div> <p><a href="https://opendemocracy.net/openmovements"><img alt="open Movements" src="https://dy1m18dp41gup.cloudfront.net/cdn/farfuture/O85Ogfjhg5yzs7fM33p3IombLfDuMBD3pHGR5vqdVQI/mtime:1426508017/files/openmovements-banner.jpg" width="460px" /></a><br /><b>The <i><a href="https://opendemocracy.net/openmovements">openMovements</a></i> series invites leading social scientists to share their research results and perspectives on contemporary social struggles.</b></p> <p><span class='wysiwyg_imageupload image imgupl_floating_none caption-xlarge'><a href="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/wysiwyg_imageupload_lightbox_preset/wysiwyg_imageupload/500209/beirut madinati.jpg" rel="lightbox[wysiwyg_imageupload_inline]" title=""><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/article_xlarge/wysiwyg_imageupload/500209/beirut madinati.jpg" alt="" title="" class="imagecache wysiwyg_imageupload caption-xlarge imagecache imagecache-article_xlarge" style="" width="460"/></a> <span class='image_meta'><span class='image_title'>Beirut Madinati, May 24, 2016. Author's photograph.</span></span></span></p><p>”Despair is not our fate”, “32,000 reasons to hope”, “40% for change” - hardly had an electoral defeat ever sparked as much hope as “Beirut Madinati”, Arabic for ‘Beirut is my city’, did. Despite its failure to gain any of the twenty four city council seats (given the majoritarian system), this less than a year old volunteer-led campaign of independent activists managed to win 40% of Beirut’s electorate in the recent municipal elections held on May 8, against a coalition of deeply entrenched, decades-old sectarian parties. </p> <p>The rise and success of Beirut Madinati lies in its innovative way of blurring the lines between institutional and street politics. Born from the ashes of the widespread summer 2015 “you stink” protests against a “rotten system” unable to resolve the garbage crisis; Beirut Madinati aimed to make voices, silenced on the streets, heard in the ballot boxes and take back the city council. </p> <h2><b>Last remnants of a functioning democracy</b></h2> <p>In Lebanon, municipal elections are usually a somnolent affair, revolving around members of traditional political families allied to major sectarian parties. They are often devoid of meaningful opposition, the establishment’s pre-election negotiations largely determining the results prior to the election process itself. Voters' apathy and disaffection with politics, reflected in a low turnout (around 20% in Beirut in the last 2010 polls) are hence typical. This is amplified by the fact that Lebanese citizens vote for the municipality of their district of origin instead of the one of their current place of residency. This is particularly critical for Beirut, where less than half a million are allowed to vote in a capital of about 2 million inhabitants. <span class="mag-quote-right">Municipalities are the most local form of governance in Lebanon, with financial and administrative independence and a tremendous decision-making power.</span></p> <p>Yet, in a context where all other forms of political action seemed to be blocked in the foreseeable future, municipal elections offer a unique opportunity to challenge the establishment. They are in fact, the first polls of any kind in Lebanon since 2010, presidential and parliamentary elections having both been adjourned. The Parliament unconstitutionally extended its own term twice and the country has been without a president since May 2014, when the mandate of Michel Sleiman expired.</p> <p>Besides being one of the last remnants of a functioning democracy, municipal polls open one of the most effective roads to change. Municipalities are the most local form of governance in Lebanon, with financial and administrative independence and a tremendous decision-making power. Yet, and particularly in the case of Beirut, the delicate power-sharing arrangement among the various sects and political blocs within the city council, has impeded its autonomy. If the municipality electoral law does not entail per se an appointment distributed equally between Christians and Muslims and a fair distribution of the various sects, it has in practice conformed to the country’s consociational formula, making the city council very permeable to increasing tensions at the national level and paralyzing its work. </p> <h2><b>From the streets to the polls</b></h2> <p>To bypass this stagnant system and reactivate the city council, a group of activists resolved to leave their “comfort zone” and dip a toe in the realm of conventional politics. Their aim was to channel the energy and expertise of a vibrant civil society working in parallel to a dysfunctional system since the end of the civil war (1975-1990) and make its voice heard from within, in an attempt to “revamp” it. </p> <p>This effort marks a turning point in the wave of anti-sectarian mobilizations in post-war Lebanon; a predominantly youth-led grassroots movement operating outside the realm of conventional politics. These efforts have for long gone unnoticed, largely perceived as marginal and doomed to failure; until the unanticipated scope of the summer 2015 mobilizations brought them to light. <span class="mag-quote-left">These efforts have for long gone unnoticed, largely perceived as marginal and doomed to failure; until the unanticipated scope of the summer 2015 mobilizations brought them to light. </span></p> <p><ins datetime="2016-05-26T18:29" cite="mailto:Rosemary%20Bechler"><a href="https://www.opendemocracy.net/alexandra-kassir/we-are-here-new-wave-of-anti-sectarian-mobilizations-in-lebanon#_ftnref1">Research investigating these new modes</a></ins> of politicization reveals how the anti-sectarian activists confront the system through a political praxis based on subjectivity, experience and prefigurative politics and underlines how the “subjectivity path” they take, simultaneously draws them closer and further away from achieving their democratic aspirations. </p> <p>This “alter-activist” mode of engagement allows them to resist a system interfering in the most intimate aspects of their daily lives and to overcome political deadlock by producing democracy in the “here and now”. Yet, the advantages of this mode of engagement simultaneously constitute its fragility. While the activists’ efforts to embody their transformative visions in their everyday practice is per se a transformative experience, their determination to ensure a means-end consistency and their commitment not to “get their hands dirty” remain among the many challenges to having an effective impact in the realm of conventional politics.</p> <p>Yet, mounting frustration over the ruling class inability to formulate an effective plan to resolve the garbage crisis and manage urban affairs, following last summer’s wave of mobilizations acted as a “wake up call”. “Protesting was not enough!” and “it was no longer possible to wait for an unresponsive ruling class”, unable to<ins datetime="2016-05-25T11:11" cite="mailto:Jean%20kassir"> provide basic needs </ins>. Thus, in what the activists often describe as “the last chance”, they decided “to take matters in their own hands”, and venture into the realm of conventional politics. </p> <h2><b>Alter-activism and electoral politics </b></h2> <p>If Beirut Madinati’s activists embarked on a different road, they remained faithful to their roots; they engaged in electoral politics, while maintaining their “alter-activism”<a href="#_ftn1"><ins datetime="2016-05-25T12:12" cite="mailto:Jean%20kassir"><ins datetime="2016-05-25T12:12" cite="mailto:Jean%20kassir">[1]</ins></ins></a> culture. This is very much reflected in the internal organization of the movement and its campaigning strategy. </p> <p>Beirut Madinati heavily relies on technology and social media, while not rejecting some “old-school” methods to reach potential voters. It developed a mobile app. and majored on phone calls; targeted Facebook walls and knocked on doors, tweeted and held press conferences.<ins datetime="2016-05-25T14:38" cite="mailto:Jean%20kassir"> </ins><ins datetime="2016-05-25T14:38" cite="mailto:Jean%20kassir">Moreover, while preserving its “spontaneous soul”, the campaign sought to work on its image and “branding”</ins><ins datetime="2016-05-25T14:39" cite="mailto:Jean%20kassir">, from </ins><ins datetime="2016-05-25T14:38" cite="mailto:Jean%20kassir">develop</ins><ins datetime="2016-05-25T14:39" cite="mailto:Jean%20kassir">ing</ins><ins datetime="2016-05-25T14:38" cite="mailto:Jean%20kassir"> a logo and customiz</ins><ins datetime="2016-05-25T14:39" cite="mailto:Jean%20kassir">ing</ins><ins datetime="2016-05-25T14:38" cite="mailto:Jean%20kassir"> campaign material (bracelets, pins, t-shirts, etc.); to keeping a “positive”, “pro-active” discourse beyond the confrontational and denunciative tone</ins> typical of protest<ins datetime="2016-05-25T14:38" cite="mailto:Jean%20kassir">.</ins> Likewise, if it largely remains a volunteer-led campaign, a small part-time administration team was hired to assist the more than 1000 volunteers on the ground<ins datetime="2016-05-25T11:59" cite="mailto:Jean%20kassir">.</ins><ins datetime="2016-05-25T11:58" cite="mailto:Jean%20kassir"> </ins><ins datetime="2016-05-25T14:36" cite="mailto:Jean%20kassir">In addition, </ins>it relied on crowd funding and accepted donations, though only from individuals. And, in its effort to guarantee transparency and practice the values it endorses, a ceiling was put to donations (less than 10% of its budget) and its financial statements were published online.</p> <p>Working for and with the people to reclaim the city, was Beirut Madinati's main objective. With a horizontal and a leaderless structure, this volunteer-led campaign sought to make the decision-making process as inclusive and transparent as possible. <span class="mag-quote-right">With a horizontal and a leaderless structure, this volunteer-led campaign sought to make the decision-making process as inclusive and transparent as possible.</span> Through a participatory and a community-based approach it sought to reconnect Lebanese citizens with the political sphere. </p> <h2><b>A ten-point programme</b></h2> <p>Since its start, it has actively engaged the Beiruti inhabitants in the decision-making process. Its ten-point policy programme drew on community-based research. It brought together the technical expertise of specialists in various fields (including urban planning, transportation, waste management, etc.) and people’s everyday knowledge, concerns and demands. Likewise, Beirut Madinati organized Monday open houses, Wednesday breakfasts, Saturday gatherings in public squares and a series of events to reach the “ordinary” citizen. Its aim was twofold, spread the word about the campaign and foster dialogue, inform people about their programme and learn from them. By creating these spaces for dialogue, both “online” and ‘offline”, the campaign aimed to “embrace the diversity of the city”.&nbsp; It strived to listen to a plurality of voices across age groups, and socio-economic backgrounds, beyond the traditional activists’ circles, in an attempt to address their concerns and take in their suggestions.</p> <p>Beirut Madinati thus challenged the traditionally “personality-based” campaign. It put forward its platform and did not announce its list of candidates until a few weeks after the campaign was launched. This determination was exemplified by the lack of any poster for the candidates, usually flooding the streets.&nbsp; </p> <p>Yet, if the movement introduced new ways in the typical Lebanese electoral scene, it did not entirely disengage from some “traditional” considerations, but juggled between the two, downplaying the latter. This was particularly evident in the very selection of the candidates. &nbsp;</p><h2> </h2><h2><b>Inclusive public spaces</b></h2> <p>Expertise and experience were the main selection criteria. Most of the candidates had actively worked on civil campaigns and projects for the preservation of the city heritage and public spaces; and succeeded in their endeavor. The best “success story” is probably that of the “Barakat building” (also known as “Beit Beirut”, literally the Beirut house), a historical landmark saved from demolition and converted into the capital’s first museum of war, memory and history, largely through the initiative and tireless efforts of Mona El Hallak an architect, also running with Beirut Madinati. Yet, if it strived to remain a leaderless movement organized around qualified “ordinary” citizens the list of candidates also included a few public figures such as a renowned singer and filmmaker. <span class="mag-quote-left">Since its start, it has actively engaged the Beiruti inhabitants in the decision-making process.</span></p> <p>Likewise, equal representation was a central consideration. Gender parity was for the first time ensured, in a country where women remain largely under-represented in government posts (three out of twenty four in the former city council). Moreover, in its effort to present a list as inclusive and representative as possible of the capital’s social fabric, the candidates were selected from a diversity of professional and socio-economics backgrounds. A fisherman, a school director, a painter and installation artist, a journalist, and a longtime activist in advocating for the rights of persons with special needs, were among the different profiles, besides architects and urban planners. </p> <p>Religious diversity was also taken into consideration. In this regard, Beirut Madinati aimed at a balance between some “traditional” considerations and its core values. It did not challenge Muslim-Christian parity and maintained an equal representation of the different sects; yet, religious diversity remained a secondary consideration for a campaign precisely born from a need to<ins datetime="2016-05-25T11:06" cite="mailto:Jean%20kassir"> free </ins><ins datetime="2016-05-25T11:09" cite="mailto:Jean%20kassir">politics </ins><ins datetime="2016-05-25T11:08" cite="mailto:Jean%20kassir">and the provision of public services </ins><ins datetime="2016-05-25T11:06" cite="mailto:Jean%20kassir">from the grip of the sectarian </ins><ins datetime="2016-05-25T11:27" cite="mailto:Jean%20kassir">powers</ins>. This attempt to remain as inclusive as possible and “play the electoral game” without compromising on its principles, was also visible in the campaign’s diplomatic relations with the sectarian parties. If it did not reject an invitation from any party, it did not initiate any meeting and entirely withheld itself from sectarian and political alignments. </p> <h2><b>A successful defeat&nbsp; </b></h2> <p>“May 8 was a turning point and we will continue to work together for our city and our country”. <span class="mag-quote-right">“May 8 was a turning point and we will continue to work together for our city and our country”.</span> With this statement Beirut Madinati ended its last press conference following the official announcement of the results. If the pressing question revolves around the next steps to harness this momentum; for now one can confidently assert that Beirut Madinati paved the way for a new kind of politics beyond sectarian lines and clientelistic networks. </p> <p>While the establishment candidates retained control of the city council, with 40% of the votes Beirut Madinati’ score was massive. It captured the Lebanese’s increased resentment and waning faith in the governing parties and proved that transcending traditional party politics is possible. It asserted that electoral politics can no longer be reduced to sectarian loyalties and alliances, that socio-economic concerns need to be addressed and that gender parity very much resonates in a country were women still lack some of their basic rights.</p> <p>Yet its political victory lies far beyond the election score itself. Its citizen-centric, community-based, approach opened spaces of dialogues and reconnected citizens with politics. Likewise, its issue driven platform challenged the traditionally “personality-based” campaign and revamped electoral practices. The rise of Beirut Madinati has in fact pressured the competing coalition of sectarian parties, to present a platform for the first time, and adopt a discourse addressing citizen’s everyday concerns.&nbsp; </p> <p>If the victory remains incomplete, its effort inspired hope and gave an impetus to the burgeoning of similar initiatives in other Lebanese towns. Since its start, it succeeded in disrupting the Lebanese electoral scene, challenging the old-ways and imposing more democratic rules to the election game. </p> <p>“Beirut <ins datetime="2016-05-25T11:10" cite="mailto:Jean%20kassir">M</ins>adinati taught us the city itself […] its stories and alleyways”, the words of this young volunteer very much captures the campaign’s effort to recommend policies that are reflective of and responsive to people’s needs. Consulting with the people was not a mere strategy to convince potential voters. “Think with us!” one could read on their Facebook page, two weeks after the Election Day, as they invited citizens to share their feedback and suggestion for the next steps to undertake. </p> <hr size="1" /> <p><a href="#_ftnref1"><ins datetime="2016-05-25T12:12" cite="mailto:Jean%20kassir"><ins datetime="2016-05-25T12:12" cite="mailto:Jean%20kassir">[1]</ins></ins></a><ins datetime="2016-05-25T12:12" cite="mailto:Jean%20kassir"> Pleyers G., 2010, Alter-Globalization Becoming Actors in a Global Age, Cambridge, Polity Press</ins></p> <div class="partnership-in-article-banner-infobox" style="background-color: #f9f3ff; width: 100%; float: right; border-top: solid 3px #DAC2EA;"> <div class="partnership-in-article-banner-infobox-inner" style="margin-bottom: 8px; padding: 14px;"><span style="font-size: 1.2em; margin-bottom: 8px;"><b>How to cite:</b></span><br />Kassir A.(2016), “Lebanese activists leave their ‘comfort zone’: how to overcome mistrust in conventional politics”, Open Democracy / ISA RC-47: Open Movements, 26 May. https://opendemocracy.net/alexandra-kassir/lebanese-activists-leave-their-comfort-zone-how-to-overcome-mistrust-in-conventiona </div><a href="https://opendemocracy.net/openmovements"><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/openmovements-banner.jpg" style="width: 460px;" /></a> </div><fieldset class="fieldgroup group-sideboxs"><legend>Sideboxes</legend><div class="field field-read-on"> <div class="field-label"> 'Read On' Sidebox:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <p><a href="https://opendemocracy.net/openmovements"><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/openmovements-banner-small_1.jpg" alt="" /></a></p> <p>More from the <a href="https://opendemocracy.net/openmovements">openMovements</a> partnership.</p> </div> </div> </div> </fieldset> <div class="field field-country"> <div class="field-label"> Country or region:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> Lebanon </div> </div> </div> <div class="field field-topics"> <div class="field-label">Topics:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> Civil society </div> <div class="field-item even"> Culture </div> <div class="field-item odd"> Democracy and government </div> <div class="field-item even"> Ideas </div> <div class="field-item odd"> International politics </div> <div class="field-item even"> Internet </div> </div> </div> <div class="field field-rights"> <div class="field-label">Rights:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> CC by NC 4.0 </div> </div> </div> Arab Awakening Lebanon Civil society Culture Democracy and government Ideas International politics Internet openmovements Alexandra Kassir Thu, 26 May 2016 18:32:50 +0000 Alexandra Kassir 102471 at https://www.opendemocracy.net Natural borders, beware a dangerous idea https://www.opendemocracy.net/arab-awakening/torgeir-e-fj-rtoft/natural-borders-beware-dangerous-idea <div class="field field-summary"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <p>Whatever borders follow the ongoing violence and war, they must under no circumstances be ‘natural’.&nbsp;<strong></strong></p> </div> </div> </div> <p><span class='wysiwyg_imageupload image imgupl_floating_none caption-xlarge'><a href="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/wysiwyg_imageupload_lightbox_preset/wysiwyg_imageupload/500209/630px-Fridtjof_Nansen_LOC_03377u-3.jpg" rel="lightbox[wysiwyg_imageupload_inline]" title=""><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/article_xlarge/wysiwyg_imageupload/500209/630px-Fridtjof_Nansen_LOC_03377u-3.jpg" alt="" title="" class="imagecache wysiwyg_imageupload caption-xlarge imagecache imagecache-article_xlarge" style="" width="460" /></a> <span class='image_meta'><span class='image_title'>Norwegian scientist and diplomat Fridtjof Nansen, "made it happen." Wikicommons/Henri Van der Weyde. Some rights reserved.</span></span></span>I was wading the beaches of Thessaloniki when news reached me of the centennial of the Sykes-Picot Agreement. This is the contentious British-French compromise from 1916 over spheres for influence in the Middle East that imposed new borders in the power vacuum left by the defeated and disintegrated Ottoman Empire. Increasingly, analysts can be heard claiming this a root cause of current conflicts and state failures. They hold the borders of Syria and Iraq that the Sykes-Picot Agreement created were “unnatural”. Therefore, in their view, the post-conflict political order must redraw borders to become more “natural”. &nbsp;The implication of “natural” borders is that they should contain a monolithic group identity.</p> <p>There, on the beaches of Thessaloniki, it struck me how very dangerous the thought of “natural” borders is. It certainly turned very dangerous right there in Thessaloniki, in the years after the Sykes-Picot Agreement. &nbsp;In Greece and Turkey, it was also thought that the new political order imposed in 1923 following the breakdown of the Ottoman Empire should be “natural”.&nbsp; </p><h2> </h2><h2><strong>Greeks and Turks in the ‘wrong’ place</strong></h2> <p>Unfortunately, according to their novel idea of the state as a “nation”, the Greeks in Turkey and the Turks in Greece were in the wrong place.&nbsp;In Thessaloniki,&nbsp; Turks were forced to move to make room for the Greeks that had to leave Turkey. What was intended to be the democratic principle of national self-determination that rose of out of the ruins of the defeated empires in World War I, turned to <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Population_exchange_between_Greece_and_Turkey">forced ethnic removal on a vast scale</a>: an estimated 1.5 million Greeks from Turkey and 500.000 Turks from Greece. Force made these nation states “natural”. </p> <h2><strong>How democratic and humanistic principles led to abuse</strong></h2> <p>What is very scary about this abuse, indeed crime by our standards, is that the League of Nations authorized it and the Norwegian polar explorer and national hero turned-international diplomat, Fridtjov Nansen made it happen. The idea of national self-determination that his fellow Norwegians, with his help, invoked successfully to break away from Sweden in 1905 turned upon its humanistic and democratic principles. When Turkey and Greece needed to reinvent their societies as “natural”, Nansen corrupted these humanistic and democratic principles, much as <a href="http://www.economist.com/node/324795">Kofi Annan’s idea of humanitarian intervention</a> turned upon itself and was corrupted in the violent and destructive western military interventions in Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya. </p> <h2><strong>Ominous analogies for Syria and Iraq</strong></h2> <p>Echoes of this Turkish-Greek forced ethnic cleansing in 1923 in the current war in Syria and Iraq are ominous. More and more well-intentioned people in the west subscribe to the idea that the borders in post-conflict Syria and Iraq must become more “natural” because of the democratic principle of national self-determination. These people have forgotten not only the Greek-Turkish analogy, but also the recent genocidal ethnic cleansing in ex-Yugoslavia. Without abuse of force, even mass violence, the idea that a new state must have a monolithic group identity is hardly feasible in an area where religious and ethnic group identities are mixed, as they are in Syria and Iraq. &nbsp;</p> <p>The democratic and humanistic idea of national self-determination will turn upon itself and become dangerous to minorities. <a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2016/01/northern-iraq-satellite-images-back-up-evidence-of-deliberate-mass-destruction-in-peshmerga-controlled-arab-villages/">Amnesty</a> has already reported of cases where Kurds remove Arabs from territory they control. </p> <h2>I<strong>ndigenous secular transnational visions</strong></h2> <p>As an alternative to the idea of “natural” borders for monolithic group identities, we could evoke the secular transnational visions behind such vintage indigenous movements as the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ba%27ath_Party">Ba’ath parties</a> that held power in Syria and Iraq for decades. The Ba’ath party was founded by a Moslem and a Christian. These ideas could conceivably evolve into a sustainable modern political identity, much like communism in Vietnam. The problem with the brutal dictatorships of Assad in Syria and Saddam Hussein in Iraq may not be their Ba’athism, but that the leaders corrupted its visions.</p> <h2><strong>States must protect minorities and allow regional cooperation</strong></h2> <p>Whatever borders follow the ongoing violence and war, they must under no circumstances be “natural”.&nbsp; Borders must be stable to allow for effective state control of territory to protect minorities, but at the same time permeable to allow for the emergence of regional political and economic cooperation. </p><div class="field field-country"> <div class="field-label"> Country or region:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> Syria </div> <div class="field-item even"> Iraq </div> <div class="field-item odd"> Turkey </div> <div class="field-item even"> Greece </div> </div> </div> <div class="field field-topics"> <div class="field-label">Topics:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> Civil society </div> <div class="field-item even"> Conflict </div> <div class="field-item odd"> Culture </div> <div class="field-item even"> Democracy and government </div> <div class="field-item odd"> Ideas </div> <div class="field-item even"> International politics </div> </div> </div> <div class="field field-rights"> <div class="field-label">Rights:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> CC by NC 4.0 </div> </div> </div> Arab Awakening Can Europe make it? Arab Awakening Greece Turkey Iraq Syria Civil society Conflict Culture Democracy and government Ideas International politics nationalism Torgeir E. Fjærtoft Thu, 26 May 2016 16:45:27 +0000 Torgeir E. Fjærtoft 102469 at https://www.opendemocracy.net Britain's nuclear deep: a new transparency https://www.opendemocracy.net/paul-rogers/britains-nuclear-force-transparent-future <div class="field field-summary"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <p>The military doctrine of submarine-based security is being exposed by underwater drones. But will the British state change course?</p> </div> </div> </div> <p><span class='wysiwyg_imageupload image imgupl_floating_none caption-xlarge'><a href="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/wysiwyg_imageupload_lightbox_preset/wysiwyg_imageupload/549501/800px-Trident_Nuclear_Submarine_HMS_Victorious.jpg" rel="lightbox[wysiwyg_imageupload_inline]" title="HMS Victorious. Wikimedia Commons/UK Ministry of Defence. Public Domain."><img src="//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/article_xlarge/wysiwyg_imageupload/549501/800px-Trident_Nuclear_Submarine_HMS_Victorious.jpg" alt="HMS Victorious. Wikimedia Commons/UK Ministry of Defence. Public Domain." title="HMS Victorious. Wikimedia Commons/UK Ministry of Defence. Public Domain." width="460" height="278" class="imagecache wysiwyg_imageupload caption-xlarge imagecache imagecache-article_xlarge" style="" /></a> <span class='image_meta'><span class='image_title'>HMS Victorious. Wikimedia Commons/UK Ministry of Defence. Public Domain.</span></span></span>The debate in Britain over the renewal of the Trident nuclear-missile programme continues to develop, despite great efforts to close it down. One issue in particular is of deep concern to the authorities: whether the oceans are in the process of becoming transparent. If the submarines which carry the missiles become detectable, they will no longer constitute a secure nuclear force (see "<a href="https://opendemocracy.net/paul-rogers/britains-nuclear-submarines-out-of-time">Britain's deep-sea defence: out of time?</a>", 3 March 2016).</p><p>Much of the technical work on this issue is being done by the British branch of the <a href="http://www.britishpugwash.org">Pugwash</a> movement. Some succinct briefings have also been published by the <a href="http://www.bacisint.org">British American Security Information Council</a>. The leading conclusion is that a variety of new technologies, detailed in earlier columns in this openDemocracy <a href="https://opendemocracy.net/author/paul-rogers">series</a>, point the way to much greater transparency, not least with remarkable developments in unmanned underwater vehicles (UUV).</p><p>The <a href="http://uk.businessinsider.com/submarine-drones-explained-2016-3">process</a> is boosted by undersea technologies, many of them of considerable value to the military. Such technologies were originally developed for industrial use in resource extraction, especially oil and gas, using the considerable funds available for research and development (R&amp;D). </p><p>In Britain at the present time, any suggestion that the <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-13442735">Trident</a> replacement system may prove to be a non-starter is met with considerable opposition from defence sources, and not a little anger at the way the issue <a href="https://opendemocracy.net/paul-rogers/britains-nuclear-endgame">keeps</a> surfacing, so to speak. What makes the case difficult for the the UK's ministry of defence, though, is the United States's speed in <a href="http://www.jhuapl.edu/sts/">refining</a> the technologies.</p><p>Part of this is an extension of decades of work on anti-submarine warfare historically directed at the old Soviet Union, but the desire to stay ahead stems partly from the US <a href="http://thediplomat.com/2014/10/relearning-anti-submarine-warfare/">concern</a> over the rapid development of very quiet diesel-electric submarines, especially those with air-independent propulsion. Countries of concern obviously include Russia, but China is coming into the frame more and more, as are Iran and North Korea.</p><p>The point that <a href="https://opendemocracy.net/conflict/britain_nuclear_3693.jsp">critics</a> of Trident make is that if the United States is forging ahead in this field, then it is only a matter of time before the technologies spread and other countries follow suit. The argument is given added credibility by reports that China is now investing heavily in research in this area, hoping to create what is being called an “<a href="http://www.janes.com/article/60388/china-proposes-underwater-great-wall-that-could-erode-us-russian-submarine-advantages">Underwater Great Wall</a>”!</p><h2><strong>A successor in doubt</strong></h2><p>Jane’s <a href="http://www.janes.com/article/60388/china-proposes-underwater-great-wall-that-could-erode-us-russian-submarine-advantages">report</a> says that the China State Shipbuilding Corporation (CSSC) has proposed that China constructs: “a network of ship and subsurface sensors that could significantly erode the undersea warfare advantage held by US and Russian submarines and contribute greatly to future Chinese ability to control the South China Sea (SCS).”</p><p>The <a href="http://www.cssc.net.cn/en/component_general_situation/">CSSC</a> plan aims to offer "a package solution in terms of underwater environment monitoring and collection, real-time location, tracing of surface and underwater targets, warning of seaquakes, tsunamis, and other disasters as well as marine scientific research". The primary intention is to enable the Chinese navy to <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/09/world/asia/south-china-sea-militarization.html?_r=0">extend</a> its influence across the South China Sea by ensuring that submarines of other states can be detected and tracked.</p><p>While Beijing's main <a href="http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/e5dd3d5a-0314-11e6-af1d-c47326021344.html">concern</a> is with the United States, it is also wary of a <a href="http://www.southchinasea.org/files/2013/01/Disputed-claims-in-the-south-china-sea-Agence-France-Presse.jpg">number</a> of regional states. South Korea, for example, has more than 20 submarines, North Korea has around 70, Japan has 18, and Australia has just <a href="http://www.defensenews.com/story/defense-news/2016/04/26/australia-chooses-french-design-future-submarine/83532778/">ordered</a> a new fleet of 12 submarines from DCNS in France at a projected cost of $50 million. For most countries in the region, as well as the United States, China’s designs on the atolls of the South China Sea are seen as thoroughly expansionist; China itself intends to ensure depth in its regional protection.&nbsp; From Beijing’s <a href="http://www.china.org.cn/world/2016-05/25/content_38535792.htm">perspective</a>, a remaining concern is the vulnerability of its surface warships to submarines – hence the considerable interest in the "Underwater Great Wall".</p><p>What takes this to a new dimension, though, is the CSSC's stated aim to develop an export market for the new ASW technologies. The speed China has shown in moving into aerial drones, both of the unarmed and armed varieties, suggests that it will make rapid <a href="http://www.popularmechanics.com/military/weapons/news/a18677/chinese-drones-are-flying-and-fighting-in-the-middle-east/">progress</a> in this new area of technology – and with few qualms about proliferation.</p><p>For its part, the UK's ministry of defence may claim to be unconcerned by the prospect of the Trident system being no longer able to remain hidden in the depths. But the global trend is very much towards the oceans' increased transparency. That process is already well under way. How much further will it go over the twenty-year timespan for developing and deploying a new class of missile submarines? (see David Hambling, "<a href="http://www.popularmechanics.com/military/navy-ships/a20144/doomsday-nuclear-submarines-doomed/">Are Doomsday Submarines Doomed?</a>", <em>Popular Mechanics</em>, 28 March 2016).</p><p>The 'final' decision may well be taken in the coming months. But it is highly likely that the entire programme will come under suspicion of obsolescence. As the costs mount, calls for a <a href="https://opendemocracy.net/paul-rogers/britain&#039;s-defence-path-to-change">rethink</a> even from centrist political circles can be expected. Whatever the current government should choose to think, the Trident successor project is simply not a done deal.</p><fieldset class="fieldgroup group-sideboxs"><legend>Sideboxes</legend><div class="field field-read-on"> <div class="field-label"> 'Read On' Sidebox:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <p><a href="http://www.brad.ac.uk/peace/index.php">Department of peace studies, Bradford University</a></p> <p><a href="http://www.oxfordresearchgroup.org.uk/" target="_blank"><span><span>Oxford Research Group</span></span></a></p><p><span><span><a href="http://www.britishpugwash.org">British Pugwash</a><br /></span></span></p> <p>Paul Rogers, <em><a href="http://www.plutobooks.com/display.asp?K=9780745329376&amp;" target="_blank"><span><span>Losing Control: Global Security in the 21st Century</span></span></a></em> (Pluto, 3rd edition, 2010)</p> <p><a href="http://www.acronym.org.uk/">Acronym Institute for Disarmament Diplomacy</a></p><p><a href="http://sustainablesecurity.org/">Sustainable Security</a></p><p><a href="http://www.basicint.org/">British American Security Information Council</a></p> </div> </div> </div> <div class="field field-related-stories"> <div class="field-label">Related stories:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <a href="/paul-rogers/britains-nuclear-submarines-out-of-time">Britain&#039;s deep-sea defence: out of time?</a> </div> <div class="field-item even"> <a href="/paul-rogers/britains-nuclear-plans-corbyn-factor">Britain&#039;s nuclear plans: the Corbyn factor</a> </div> <div class="field-item odd"> <a href="/paul-rogers/britain%27s-defence-path-to-change">Britain&#039;s defence, the path to change</a> </div> <div class="field-item even"> <a href="/paul-rogers/britains-nuclear-endgame">Britain&#039;s nuclear endgame</a> </div> <div class="field-item odd"> <a href="/conflict/britain_nuclear_3693.jsp">Britain&#039;s nuclear-weapons fix</a> </div> </div> </div> </fieldset> <div class="field field-rights"> <div class="field-label">Rights:&nbsp;</div> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> CC by NC 4.0 </div> </div> </div> global security Paul Rogers Thu, 26 May 2016 16:23:21 +0000 Paul Rogers 102447 at https://www.opendemocracy.net