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Gaza: unlock this prison

The humanitarian crisis in Gaza demands urgent action on both the aid and political fronts, says Geoffrey Bindman.

Geoffrey Bindman is a former chairman and vice-president of the Society of Labour Lawyers. He is chairman of the British Institute of Human Rights. Also by Geoffrey Bindman in openDemocracy:

"Justice in the world's light" (14 June 2001)

"Civil liberties and the 'war on terror'" (5 May 2004)

"From race to religion: the next deterrent law" (18 August 2004)

"War on terror or war on justice?" (3 March 2005)

"Human rights: can we afford them?" (2 February 2006)

The appalling situation of the 1.5 million residents of the Gaza strip has led a group of development and human-rights agencies - comprising Amnesty International UK, Christian Aid, Oxfam, Trócaire, Care International, Médecins du Monde UK, Cafod and Save the Children UK - to call for an immediate ceasefire and withdrawal of the blockade imposed by the Israeli government.

Their report - The Gaza Strip: A Humanitarian Implosion (published on 6 March 2008) - describes the devastation the blockade has caused to the Gazan economy, resulting in the suspension of 95% of industrial operations and unemployment of nearly 50%.

The report quotes the chilling comment of the head of the United Nations Relief and Works Organisation (UNRWA): "Gaza is on the threshold of becoming the first territory to be intentionally reduced to a state of abject destitution, with the knowledge, acquiescence and - some would say - encouragement of the international community."

The emphasis of the report is on the humanitarian crisis, but the origin of the crisis and the remedy are ultimately political. The Israeli justification for the blockade and for the violent assaults that have left scores of Palestinians (including women and children) dead and many more injured, is that rockets are being fired into Israel from Gaza by Hamas militants.

 

Without for a moment minimising the lethal nature of rockets fired into southern Israel (and eleven Israeli civilians in Sderot have died in the last four years, while others have been injured), by comparison to the widespread devastation caused in retaliation the situation is one of a clearly disproportionate response.

Among openDemocracy's many articles on Gaza, Hamas, and the Israel-Palestine conflict:

Eóin Murray, "Alan Johnston: a reporter in Gaza" (22 April 2007)

Mient Jan Faber & Mary Kaldor, "Palestine's human insecurity: a Gaza report" (20 May 2007)

Volker Perthes, "Beyond peace: Israel, the Arab world, and Europe" (22 January 2008)

John Strawson, Rosemary Bechler, "Palestine: the pursuit of justice" (28 January 2008)

Eyad Sarraj, "'Gaza is quite a dynamic place now': an interview" (29 January 2008)

Yossi Alpher, "Gaza's agency, Israel's choice" (29 January 2008)

Shlomo Avineri, "Kosovo, Palestine, Iraq: the limits of analogy" (4 March 2008)
International law requires self-defence to be proportionate. Israeli action has been grossly excessive. It has undoubtedly breached international law by targeting civilians and by imposing collective punishment. Yet the major international powers, which have a duty to enforce Israel's obligations under the Geneva conventions, have stood by, wringing their hands.

Unfortunately, discussion and dialogue with Hamas, the elected Palestinian government which controls Gaza and which has offered a ceasefire, has so far been ruled out. Yet, as Northern Ireland and countless other international conflict situations have shown, it is the only intelligent route to peace.

The hardline attitude of the Israelis in relation to the beleaguered Palestinians and to Hamas is a legacy of history that has outlived its time. When the state was founded sixty years ago Israelis were properly imbued with the determination that the holocaust should never be repeated. "Never again" made the protection of Jewish lives a supreme national commitment. The emergence of an uncompromisingly aggressive military posture seemed to many Jews not only necessary for Israel's security, but also an appropriate refutation of anti-semitic stereotypes.

The balance of power has now comprehensively shifted. Israel has utter military and economic superiority within its immediate region - even if it cannot avert rocket-attacks or such assaults as that against a Jewish seminary in Jerusalem on 6 March. Israel's proper aim of self-defence cannot come near to justifying the hammer-blows inflicted on the population of Gaza.

If the humanitarian case for a change of Israeli policy is not persuasive enough, the evident failure of the present policy should be enough. Governments hate to lose face by admitting error but the fact is that the blockade and the bombings have not stopped Palestinian rocket-attacks or indeed other operations. Far from enhancing Israeli security they have increased the determination of Palestinians to resist with any means available.

As The Gaza Strip: A Humanitarian Implosion report says: "Peace will not be achieved by locking 1.5 million people into a prison of spiralling poverty and misery. Failure to end the policy of isolation will only continue the cycle of increasing poverty and extremism in Gaza rather than bring an end to it."

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JCBosma said:



Fri, 2008-03-07 09:10

"When the state was founded sixty years ago Israelis were properly imbued with the determination that the holocaust should never be repeated. "Never again" made the protection of Jewish lives a supreme national commitment."

This seems a bit speculative by Mr. Bindman. Security of individuals did not have a high priority. E.g. in 1943 Ben-Gurion objected to using Jewish National Funds to rescue Nazi-victims by insisting that the funds where meant for the Zionist project in Israel and that saving individuals was 'something completely different'. In 1948 the settlements close to the Syrian and Egyptian borders were not evacuated, despite that they would be attacked by forces superior in number and equipment. Despite the risk the settlers stayed. An Israeli saying is that "it is good to die for your country". Later Ben-Gurion would say that this stance, which contrasted with the 'ease' with which Palestinian Arabs fled their villages, showed how much more the Jews were "attached to the land".

The 'security argument' is of course valid, but it was not as central to the Israeli attitudes as mr. Bindman suggests. There were other factors that had a higher priority. The 'security argument' was primarily used in public relations as an argument against a return of the Palestinian refugees. As historian Teveth writes: in 1948 the 'Arab question' disappeared from the Zioniat agenda and was replaced by the 'security question'.

If there was a real "never again" it was that never again the Jews would be passive victims. This is what the Zionists disliked most of the Diaspora: Jewish passivity.

JCBosma

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Michael T Sager said:



Sun, 2008-03-09 17:19

When Hamas stop their alliance with an Iran determined to destroy Israel for the crime of existing (see today's Sunday Times interview with a Hamas operative) then the borders will be open.

Israel has no territorial ambitions overn Gaza: it withdrew its settlers over two years ago. But it finds it hard to supply electricity to a a population that uses it to make Qassam missiles, to drive in gas in tankers when Hamas mortars the border crossings, to supply food and petrol that is then taken to private Hamas stores.

Why do the international agencies not pressure Hamas and Iran to desist from this crazy self destructive war they have engaged upon and draggged the population of Gaza into?

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dominikwach said:



Sun, 2008-03-09 19:03

I must agree with author, but I think that Israel have to do more than only open borders and supply Gaza. They should start dialogue with Hamas, they should stop expanding their settlements, roads, wall, checkpoints etc. But they'll never do it, because they don't want peace, it's easier to control people when they have an enemy, it's easier to spend millions of dollars for weapons, not for peace process when your citizens think that Palestinians want only their blood. Thanks to present situation Israel is the 4th military power in the world, it's one of the richest countries and has full US support. War is a good way to develop for Israel.

Of course Palestinians also should do more than they do now, but in my opinion Israel must do the first step, the real step forward, not like in Oslo or Annapolis. Both sides should fight for peace, not to defeat the opponent.

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kleinyy said:



Sun, 2008-03-09 19:20

On the contrary. I don't think it can lead to peace at all.

First let's dispose of Mr. Bindman's argument about "proportionate" reaction. If he is correct, then the proper reaction of the United States to the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor would have been to sink no more than 250,000 tons of Japanese naval vessels causing no more than 3000 naval casualties--and to do nothing that would cause civilian casualties at all. This of course would have left the Japanese militarists undefeated and able to plan their next move (don't forget that they had taken over half of China and all of East Asia down to Indonesia). The British and the Americans might have had justification for bombing half of Hamburg, inflicting the same number of casualties Britain suffered in the blitz. Then they would have had to stop. They would have never been able to land in France, and Germany would not have been conquered. Eventually it, like Iran today, would have gotten the bomb. In Mr. Bindman's world there are no evil powers worthy of defeat and nobody who is justified in defeating them. It's not the same world I, as an Israeli, inhabit. If anything, my government is too gentle and tender of the lives of deadly enemies, and likely to cause unnecessary harm to my son and my neighbors' sons when it sends them to fight.

"Proportionate" reaction is not proportionate to the damage done but proportionate to the requirement of defeating a deadly, genocidal enemy. One should never target civilians for viciousness' sake or use more violence than needed to defeat such an enemy, but such enemies must be defeated if free peoples are to survive. And it is also legitimate for a fighting power to use strategies that save the lives of its own people and soldiers even if it costs more lives of the enemy. After all, governments are supposed to defend their own peoples, not the enemies who attack them.

The job of Israel's government is to stop attacks on its people. Period. That probably means conquering a good part of Gaza, including a 10-km swathe along the border with Egypt, and isolating the urban areas from the rest of the world--a permanent siege. Or would you rather the Israeli army batter its way into downtown Gaza City and--in the course of rooting out Hamas--level it? Them's your choices. Me, I'd rather go for the seizure of open areas and maintaining a siege, since it's better for my son's health. It is legitimate for that to be my most important concern.

It now appears that there is a de facto truce between Hamas and Israel. I disapprove. I don't think Hamas is interested in more than a breather, I think that Egypt is not serious about keeping arms out of Gaza, and I'd rather Israel attack and impose an airtight siege without delay. That's my interest and my children's.

The Hamas regime is a radical genocidal regime that is a proxy of the radical, genocidal regime in Tehran. When Ahmedinajad speaks about destroying Israel I take him seriously, and if more people had taken Hitler seriously before he gained the power to conquer most of Europe the world in his time would have been a better place. Mr. Bindman's position is possible only through a heroic act of historical amnesia, a luxury I do not care to share with him.

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sooke said:



Tue, 2008-03-11 02:09

If, as you claim, Gaza is "reduced to a state of abject destitution", it is the result of Arafat and now Hamas helping themselves to a nice chunk of the hundreds of million dollars of international aid that pours into Gaza every year.

What about the reports that, after breeching the border with Egypt, many Palestinians were stunned that Egyptians were so poor?

Terrorists in Gaza launch missiles at civilians in Sderot, using civilian areas in Gaza to hide their launch sites. When Israel strikes back at the missile launch sites, you accuse the Israelis of targeting civilians. Fully documented here:

http://tinyurl.com/323vpn

The only way to end "the cycle of increasing poverty and extremism in Gaza " is for its residents to realize, like the Iraquis, that the terrorists and suicide bombers are their enemies, not the Israelis.

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