For my mother, as the Nazis invaded Poland, the choice was easy. She ran away, with the rest of her Jewish middle-class family. They left a modern apartment, relatives, friends, jobs, family photographs and documents, a prosperous life with its hard-won routines, and their plans for the future.
When I sat opposite Antonia Tsentalya and looked into her eyes, I saw the same refugee's story. It had been the same for her: neighbours turning up in her house, shouting that Kitauri was already on fire, the enemy was getting closer to Gochari, and why were they still there while the Abkhaz military was attacking Ochamchira district?
Antonia, her husband, and their five children, fled without much more thought. Did they at least have time to pack some essentials? Clothes, cosmetics, documents, those invaluable family photographs? She looked at me as though I had landed in Georgia from a different planet. They had taken nothing. There were stories about wild and cruel Chechens and other highlanders, fighting on the side of their Abkhaz kin, burning everything in their path.
The family's biggest problem was Antonia's sick and half-paralysed mother-in-law. They took turns carrying her and even the children did their bit. Although she slowed them down, they never once considered leaving her behind. Finally, a man with a tractor agreed to give the ragged family a lift. Until then Antonia would never have believed how many desperate people could fit on one tractor. Maybe thirty, maybe even forty, clinging to the roof and sides, crammed onto each other's laps, every one of them praying there was enough fuel to get them to Gali, the capital of the neighbouring district.
Antonia Tsentalya helps her daughter Khatuna to run a kindergarten for children of refugees from Akbhazia
Listening to Antonia, I believed every word. She was the family matriarch, with her husband still ill after a stroke several years ago. Her black t-shirt and skirt adorned with flowers added a measure of feminine charm to her peasant looks. Even though she must have been sixty, Antonia radiated the energy of a woman used to working hard in life. Fifteen years after the war, she was still able to laugh about the tractor and its mountain of people. ‘It's a shame we didn't have a camera,' she exclaimed. ‘One photo of that tractor and its human cargo and we'd have had to send it to the editor of the Guinness Book of Records!'
The most interesting aspect of Antonia's story was her own ethnic background. She was Abkhaz, born into an Abkhaz family, and with Abkhaz as her native tongue. In the 1970s she was a student at Sukhumi medical school. That is where she met her Georgian husband, Gogla. At first they kept the wedding secret and spoke to each other in the Soviet lingua franca, Russian. When they finally let their families know, and moved into the house of Gogla's parents, she had no choice but to learn Georgian. It's not an easy language, and back then her Georgian was strewn with errors, but she felt it a moral obligation to learn the language of the family with whom she shared her food, house, emotions, dreams and plans.
Antonia's husband worked as a driver, while she made her living as a nurse. The jobs didn't bring in much money, but the family was comfortable thanks to a large piece of land that they inherited from the family's ancestors. Owning such land was something that marked out the republics of the warmer south Caucasus from the rest of the USSR. In contrast to the Central Asian republics, not to mention Russia itself, people in the Soviet Republic of Georgia could own substantial plots of land, and construct private houses with more than two storeys.
Antonia's husband's family added hard work to this inheritance, and were able to boast a good life by Soviet standards. They grew watermelons, maize, grapes and hazelnuts. In a shed in their yard they kept large jugs full of fermenting wine and chacha.
It was this contented life that filled Antonia's dreams after the escape to Zugdidi. A decade and a half later those dreams had become less frequent, but when she had them, the images were sharp in focus and vivid in colour. She remembered the family celebrations, with long successions of toasts; there were the family arguments, and the everyday challenges and joys of family life. Antonia wiped the tears away from her eyes as she remembered those days.
‘It was a good life. But who destroyed it?' she asked. ‘Who didn't want us to live in peace?'
Her answer was prompt, but hardly original. It's one that can be heard across all the countries of the former Soviet Union, mostly from the mouths of the old, for whom the unfolding of history has brought nothing but personal suffering and pain.
‘It was the politicians!' she exclaimed. ‘They play their games without thinking or caring about people like us.'
For eight months the refugee family lived in the crowded house of relatives in Gali, in the south of Abkhazia. But as the war went on, and Abkhaz forces recaptured the capital, Sukhumi, they had to flee once again. Together with thousands of others they crossed the Inguri River that separates Abkhazia from the rest of the Georgian republic. They settled in Zugdidi, a sleepy provincial town near the de facto border, and as close as they could be to their old home village.
I tried to imagine the scenes in Zugdidi as the refugees arrived en masse. The chaos of the evacuation, the shortages of food and accommodation, the lack of news about friends and relatives, and the desperation of local officials unable to deal with the sudden influx of refugees. At the back of everybody's minds, usually unspoken, was the question of whether they would ever be able to return to the places their families had called home for centuries.
The refugees living in the ceramics factory in Chavchavadze Street are mostly from Abkhazia's Ochamchira district.
Zugdidi was still full of these Internally Displaced Persons. More than forty thousand were living there when we visited in August. Before we arrived at Antonia's flat we had seen two giant concrete buildings in Chavchavadze Street, which had originally been a ceramics factory. They had since become home to several hundred refugees. This was something that could never in their wildest dreams have occurred to the factory's original architects. The production halls had been crudely partitioned into living units with basic privacy afforded by boards of plywood. The bunker-like external walls had been drilled to make holes for windows and chimneys. Those chimneys ventilated primitive ovens, used for heating and baking bread. Two latrines had been dug in the earth outside. Several years after the refugees first moved in, money from international humanitarian organisations paid for two bathrooms with showers, sinks and a washing machine, all arranged in a little pavilion in the factory courtyard. The refugees living in the ceramics factory in Chavchavadze Street were mostly from Ochamchira district. The homes that they feared they might never live in again were only an hour away by car.
At times of relative peace between Abkhazia and Georgia the families were able to get to their native villages, helping the handfuls of relatives who remained there to harvest walnuts and other crops, earning a few pennies extra to help them survive the winter. The Georgian government allowance for IDPs is 22 laris (around $15) per month. In Zugdidi most adults spent their time at the huge local market, desperately trying to earn a few extra laris.
Antonia and her daughter Khatuna both knew people living at the Chavchavadze Street compound, and counted themselves lucky to have found accommodation in an old medical clinic in the outskirts of Zugdidi. They were first brought there by distant relatives of her husband, and the staff at the clinic vacated two rooms for the family to move into.
The first years were incredibly hard. The only way to the city centre was on foot, a distance of about four miles, and the only chance to earn money was wheeling and dealing at the market. They soon realized that they could grow tomatoes, cucumbers, onions and carrots on the land surrounding the clinic. Later they bought a cow and some chickens. They worked hard to make their lives better, as they had in their old village.
‘Other people from Abkhazia followed us and moved into other buildings in the clinic compound,' Antonia remembered. ‘Now there are around fifteen hundred people living here.'
Antonia knew the story of nearly every family. The theme was always the same: they saw their houses set on fire and their relatives shot dead right in front of them; they remember the first nights after the escape, finding what shelter they could, in basements, tents, barracks, or anything they could improvise; they remember the taste of their own tears, and the feeling of helplessness, despair and abandonment. They were powerless in the face of this tragedy that changed their lives forever.
Antonia's daughter Khatuna tried to do something to help the children of the refugees, many of them born in exile. She had the idea of setting up a kindergarten in the old clinic. While the parents journeyed into the city for the chance to earn a few laris, the children were taken care of. They were fed well, learned songs and how to draw, and had the chance to play with dolls and toys, just like the children of normal families in normal countries. At first Khatuna ran the kindergarten as a volunteer. A year or two later, humanitarian organisations noticed her work and provided the funding to keep it going. Antonia also found work in the kindergarten as a cook.
So did Antonia still want to return to her home?
Twice in the last fifteen years she had visited her native village. Both times she was travelling to family funerals. The first time, the Abkhaz border guard didn't want to let her through. It didn't matter that she could speak fluent Abkhaz, was Abkhaz herself, and had a large cohort of relatives waiting on the other side of the border, including her brother. The only documents she carried were a new Georgian passport and her birth certificate. All other documents had been left behind during their escape. On that first occasion, and the subsequent one, only bribes had made getting across the de facto border possible.
‘Yes, we want to go back,' she said with resolve. ‘All our children are learning Abkhaz, and we tell them about our old life there almost every day.'
I told Antonia my own mother's story. She had ended up in Soviet Uzbekistan, deep in Central Asia, and lived there throughout the 1940s. During those years of cruel war that destroyed half the world, she dreamed only of going home. But when she did return, she could only weep at what had been lost. Her whole family had perished in the Holocaust. Her entire previous existence had also vanished, leaving a new one that looked and smelled differently, and not just because of the new Soviet domination of Poland.
‘It will be the same with us', agreed Antonia, nodding her head sadly. ‘But we should not be so divided. When I joined the Georgian family of my husband I was surprised how similar our cultures are. We eat similar dishes, dance similar dances. We shouldn't be fighting. Simple people are innocent.'
There was a glimmer of hope that her dream of return, however difficult, might happen. Abkhazia's leaders, including President Bagapsh, have spoken openly against allowing refugees to return to central Abkhazia, to cities such as Sukhumi, Gudauty, Pitsunda and Gagra. They argued that in the Soviet years Tbilisi kept sending Georgian settlers to Abkhazia, to change its demography and dilute the Abkhaz hold on their land. But in the south the politicians were more open to compromise, and did not rule out negotiating some form of return for the refugees.
It was also possible that Antonia would die as a refugee in Zugdidi, with her children and grandchildren exiled from Abkhazia forever. From what she said, I understood that the most important thing for Antonia was that there should be no more fighting, no more war.
Zugdidi's colourful market boasts an abundance of delicious fresh food
After taking leave of Antonia, I walked around the centre of Zugdidi. The huge, colourful market boasted an abundance of delicious fresh food. I took an enjoyable stroll along an old boulevard lined with maple trees, reminiscent of pre-Soviet Tsarist days but named after Georgia's first post-Soviet president, Zviad Gamsakhurdia. A section of the boulevard had been turned into a fountain, with streams of water spouting up into the air from paving stones painted in the colours of the Georgian flag. Children ran in and out of the jets of water, as mothers and fathers kept watch from a safely dry distance. I stopped in a local cafeteria for some kharcho, a soup of hot peppers and meat, accompanied by a glass of chacha. Honey coloured melons sat for sale in every local grocer's shop, alongside juicy tomatoes that had ripened under the Georgian sun. I noticed a puzzlingly high number of pharmacies and hairdresser salons in the city centre. If it were not for my bald head, I would have been tempted to enter one for a swift hair cut.
There were plenty of people on the streets, but the atmosphere in Zugdidi, so near the de facto border with Abkhazia, was calm, almost sleepy. Yes, they had watched television news reports about shootings and the rise in tension in South Ossetia, reported Nino, the young receptionist in our hotel. But, she argued, that is a long way from Zugdidi.
‘Anyway, we are used to tension. It will be okay here, even if it gets worse over in South Ossetia.'
Nino was wrong. In less than a week after military action began in South Ossetia, more than one hundred Russian tanks crossed the Inguri River and occupied Zugdidi.
Zygmunt Dzieciolowski's travel to Georgia and Abkhazia last year was supported by a grant from the Pulitzer Center for Crisis Reporting (http://www.pulitzercenter.org/)
------------------
On the Georgian side of the border mostly cows welcome travellers arriving from Abkhazia
Also by Zygmunt Dzieciolowski:
Tbilisi: twenty hours before the war: http://www.opendemocracy.net/article/email/tbilisi-twenty-hours-before-the-war
Sukhumi: Cafe Lika on the brink of war: http://www.opendemocracy.net/article/email/sukhumi-cafe-lika-on-the-brink-of-war


Comments
All this Republics have their own presidents, own national flag, own parliaments, hymn and all other things that an independent state needs. These republics are not Russian linguistically, they have their own culture, traditions and religion.
Full independence for Russian colonies:
The Adygea Republic
The Tatarstan Republic
The Chechnya Republic
The Dagestan Republic
The North Ossetia
The Bashkortostan Republic
The Karelia Republic
The Altai Republic
The Kabardino-Balkaria
The Buryatia Republic
The Chuvash Rebublic
The Ingushetia Republic
The Kalmykia Republic
The Karachayevo-Circassian Republic
The Khakasia Republic
The Komi Republic
The Mari Republic
The Mordovian Republic
The Sakha Republic (Yakutia)
The Tyva Republic
The Udmurtia Republic
THEY DREAM ABOUT IT EVERY DAY.
It is only Putin's bloody regime, that does not tolerate freedom
of speech, makes them afraid to speak about this.
These republics are in fact independent, they are not
Russians and never want to be. Chechnya for example has
already issued a declaration of independence, that is one
step away recognition. How cynical can you be to demand
independence for regions in Georgia and not to allow this
for republics in Russia.
A shocking apartheid rule reigns over Abkhazia. Some Kremlin clowns decide whether people should live in their homes or not. As the article shows, they do not allow even an Abkhaz woman, married to a Georgian man to return to her house. No different of Rwanda. Two weeks ago the Human Rights officer of Abkhazia, Batal Kobakhia declared to Radio Svoboda that "georgians won't return to Abkhazia". The journalist mentioned the unapologetic expression on his face while he was deciding their fate. How more cynical one should get ? A HUMAN RIGHTS OFFICER Denying PEOPLE THEIR BASIC RIGHT TO THEIR LEGITIMATE HOME just because he despises their ethnicity. And Russia is backing all this, happy to get military bases in South Caucasus, in exchange of personal tragedies like this one for some 239 000 citizen. Is there any justice ?
Is there any justice ?
Th e answer to this I willbe more then happy to get!
Justice must prevail and starting from the ones who were expelled from a lovely Abkhazia more then 140 years ago.
Or it seems that human rights are just for one nation in the world , others must wait ?
They should return also Losmira, if that is their wish. I have spoken to one Abkhaz from Turkey. They are sixth generation and he told me half of them have no idea where Abkhazia lies. This woman in the article left her home 17 years ago. They have live memories, homes and dishes that stand and get dusty, or worse are getting sold to Russian vacationers.
Well, in 1992-1993 it were Georgians who started the war, it were Georgian tanks which entered Sukhumi - but were expelled by Abkhazians. And this story of Georgian-Abkhazian tensions is as old as British/Irish one, and as bloody as Izraeli/Palestinian one aq
read above and go back to school.
Right. It was Georgia started the war in 1992. At the time, On 14 August 1992 Abkhazian Parliament was discussing a draft proposal for a Federation with Georgia but Georgia prefered the war and invaded Abkhazia.
So, it is Georgia that started the war and created huge humanitarian catastrophy. And Georgian population fled before Abkhaz Army entered the occupied territories. You can read it UNPO's Abkhazia report.
It was Abkhazia which unilaterally decided to open the gates for the refugees to return to Abkhazia from Georgia in 1999. Georgia at that time was actually accusing these refugees of being traitors to Georgia.
Another important fact to consider on the question of Kartvelian displaced persons is that their number is regularly exaggerated by the Georgian authorities. Some of them have never left Abkhazia and others never lived there.
According to the 1989 census there were only 239,872 "Georgians" living in Abkhazia. As i said, some of them never left Abkhazia and over 50,000 refugees back to Abkhazia. The questions is how possible 350,000 - 400,000 or 450,000 (as Saakashvili's claim) figures?
By the way, some Georgians fought against to Abkhazians in Georgian side. According to the 1951 UN Convention on Refugees, those who use arms in an armed struggle and then flee do not fall under the international definition of refugees. The responsibility for these people fell and falls solely on the Georgian authorities. It is important to note here that a great many of those who fled from Abkhazia were recent immigrants. They were partly victims of the compulsory resettlement organized by (Georgian) Stalin and his Abkhazian-born Mingrelian lieutenant Lavrenti Beria.
Abkhazian society can allow the return only of those Kartvelians who did not fight on the Georgian side and only after they recognize Abkhazia as an independent state. And same right for return should be given also to descendants of Abkhazian refugees from the Caucasian War of the XIX century, who live mostly in Turkey.
Right. It was Georgia started the war in 1992. At the time, On 14 August 1992 Abkhazian Parliament was discussing a draft proposal for a Federation with Georgia but Georgia prefered the war and invaded Abkhazia.Glenn G (or another disguised Dr Hewitt). The way you tell the story is like a hollywood movie and has nothing to do with truth. Hence you ignore most of the facts, I will put it straight:For last decade before the war, the tensions between Abkhaz and Georgian populations were raising in the region. A part of Abkhaz society, "titular citizens" of the Region saw Georgian upcoming independence as a threat to their identity and signed a request to be TRANSFERED TO RUSSIA (no federation was discussed then). While being 17% of the population they still had a positive discriminatory parliament, with majority of the seats on their side. This demands met harsh reaction on the other side, where Georgian, Greek, Estonian, Russian and part of Armenian populations had signed an opposite request. On 15-16 July 1989 intercommuncal violence had spread in Sokhumi over the establishment of a department of Tbilisi State Unviersity in Abkhazia. Armed abkhaz groups attacked the Georgians and clashes left several dead. There was a chain of violence that had affected many and had created very strong chauvinistic feelings on both sides. The July events in Abkhazia left at least eighteen dead and 448 injured, of whom, according to official accounts, 302 were Georgians. In the same chain of events, Kodori Svans clashed with Tkuarcheli Abkhaz leaving several dead. The economic problems of the USSR in decline had lead to strong nationalisms and pulled to the first stage some of the hidden agendas that were not addressed during soviet times. Simultanously ethnic conflicts rose in many regions, North Ossetia and Ingushetia clashed, Azerbaijan and Armenia had an open war on Karabakh, Georgia was torn by a civil war between Zviadists and New government and ethnic conflicts all at the same time.Mr Ardzinba, a nationalistic georgian-hater president of Abkhaz SSR, decided to take advantage of the political instability and push Abkhaz independence question on the first stage. At this moment of instability this was the most unconstructive stupid move one could make. The Georgian government, no brighter then its abkhaz counterpart, was not doing anything to attenuate the problems either. While Georgian voted in referendum for independence, Abkhazians voted for conservation of USSR in another Kremlin lead referendum. There was no communication anymore between parties. The latent war had already started. The wide spread armed conflict indeed arose after Georgian Troops entered Abkhazia on august 14th 1992 to protect the railway on the request of Boris Eltsin himself and Ardzinba was perfectly aware of it. Then the first shot was fired, and followed the tragedy for both peoples. This war has many responsibles. Many on The Georgian but as many on the Abkhaz sides. So, it is Georgia that started the war and created huge humanitarian catastrophy. And Georgian population fled before Abkhaz Army entered the occupied territories. You can read it UNPO's Abkhazia report. You have to decide Dear Glenn: if Georgians left before the war how can they be accused of having fought in the conflict and by thus refused the right to go back? You say yourself: Abkhazian society can allow the return only of those Kartvelians who did not fight on the Georgian side and only after they recognize Abkhazia as an independent state. First of all who is Abkhazian Society? 82 % of Abkhazian society were Georgian, Russian, Estonian, Armenian, Greek and others. The ethnic cleansing was confirmed by both Budapest and Bucharest summits of European Union as Ethnic Cleansing and nothing else. Another important fact to consider on the question of Kartvelian displaced persons is that their number is regularly exaggerated by the Georgian authorities. Some of them have never left Abkhazia and others never lived there.According to the 1989 census there were only 239,872 "Georgians" living in Abkhazia. As i said, some of them never left Abkhazia and over 50,000 refugees back to Abkhazia. The questions is how possible 350,000 - 400,000 or 450,000 (as Saakashvili's claim) figures?Another chauvinist reflexion Glenn. When 350 000 Georgia authorities include IDP's of all nationalities, including Abkhaz themselves. As for the number of 239.782 - that is a large number enough to consider Abkhaz authorities hands in crime against humanity.It is important to note here that a great many of those who fled from Abkhazia were recent immigrants. They were partly victims of the compulsory resettlement organized by (Georgian) Stalin and his Abkhazian-born Mingrelian lieutenant Lavrenti Beria. So you claim, these people were victims of Beria and not Abkhaz-Russian ethnic cleansing ? It would be the same if you said that Holocaust Jews were victims of Roman Empire and not Nazi Germany, as they were in fact resettled to Europe after Roman Empire had expelled them from their lands. Good for you Mr Glenn, keep on going that way, it's straight to Nazi paradise.
There is constant misrepresentation in the West or pro-Georgia propaganda that Abkhazia is led by a gang of separatists. I would reccomend those people to tell a fable to their kids: "There is separatist country ruled by separatist government and there are separatist children drinking separatist milk and separatist old people in the streets and they drive separatist car. Everything could be Ok with them and they could look like us but there is one thing that distinguish them from us - they are separatists, they are not people so we have to kill them all".
As for the government, it was installed right after the war with Georgia - Putin was not there or even on the political horizon. There was pro-Georgian Yeltsin who together with Georgia put Abkhazia under sanctions and Yeltsin actually gave Shevardnadze the green light to attack Abkhazia on 14th August 1992.
Refugees is always a big problem and it was NOT Abkhazia who bare responsibility for them - it is Georgia that STARTED the war and created huge humanitarian catastrophy. And yes, Georgian population fled before Abkhaz Army entered the occupied territories.
[ THE MAJORITY OF GEORGIANS, HOWEVER, FLED BEFORE ABKHAZIAN AND NORTHERN CAUCASUS TROOPS ARRIVED] - UNPO: http://www.unpo.org/downloads/Abkhazia_Georgia_report_1992.pdf
If continuing your logic and letting all former Georgian popultion (Do you mean those who fought against Abkhazia on the Georgian side? Or do you mean those who were resettled to Abkhazia in Stalin & Beria & Shevardnadze time in order to assimilate Abkhaz population?) to return will you guarantee that this mass return will not cause severe consequences and new war. Even if they all return and become majority again and vote for incorporation into Georgia will you guarantee that Georgian nationalistic policy will allow any Abkhaz in Abkhazia? I think not and there is no need to experiment with this because all non-Georgian population perfectly remembers from the past history how Abkhazia was part of Georgia. For Georgians there is a country called Georgia their motherland where they may live but Abkhaz have no other home. If Georgian Army enters Abkhazia they will not mercy anybody non-georgian. (No need new experiences) But when it will be happening you will be watching cenic news about restoring constitutional oreder over rebels and again separatist children women and old people. So it is better to be alive and not recognised then dead and part of Georgia.
David Galaridze expressed well-founded doubts about the mass-return of these Kartvelians to Abkhazia in the newspaper “Akhali Taoba”: “What do we want in Abkhazia, to kill everyone and live there?”
By the way, in the 1st Chechen war Shevardnadze allowed Russian bombers to take off from Georgian bases/air-space to bomb Chechenia.
Georgians may see themselves as natural leaders for the Caucasus -- what those who think this way should ask themselves is why their neighbours do not accept them as natural local leaders and in fact see this attitude as one of the reasons NOT to award them this leadership-role.!?
@ Glenn-G and others
This story is about a tragedy of a person...it is a personal tragedy and there is not place for discussions here who were first settlers of Abkhazia or who started the war....regardless of anything, there are people who suffer...so think about this lady and realized how would you feel if you were in her place....this is a tragedy which has no justification....after all, its not all about statistics...i am in shock how cold-blooded people can be.....it is unfortuante
@author...
very nice article with all its comparisons...thank you
To talk about the war or to write about it especially when the authors of the articles have never seen it with their own eyes , and let God bless them , they are just lucky .
But when journalists show the tragedy of some , they must think that the war and its consequences were not a festival or a nice party for Abkhazians or South Ossetians , last August.
During the war in 1992-93 the Amnesty International published a letter to Shevarnadze accusing him in ethnical cleansing of Abkhazians and unfortunately , now I could not find it in the internet, the fact is also very interesting , by the way , why it has disappeared ?
Or one just can guess why and who is behind of such things which speaks itself that impartiality is just far away in the air , but not in the reality ?
Iam very sorry for all the innocent people who suffered during the war which Shevarnadze broke out on my land , Abkhazia , and people instead of living in peace were fighting with each other , killing as though life is endless.
It is easy for yu to judge Glenn , who was born from so far away from his own Motherland , and has never seen it , who will ever think about it ?
Which of the authors , like this one and you especially who think about some as victims and others as the happiest ones ?
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