Too big to save: the end of financial capitalism

The financial logic of neo-liberal capitalism has devoured the world and exhausted itself in the process. A new model beyond "financialisation" is needed, says Saskia Sassen.

The misnamed "Group of Twenty" (G20) meets in London on 2 April 2009 to discuss how to save the global financial system. It is too late. The evidence is in: we don't have the resources to save this system - even if we wanted to. It has become too big to save: the value of global financial assets is several times the size of global gross national product (GDP). The real challenge is not to save this system but to definancialise our economies, as a prelude to move beyond the current model of capitalism. Why should the value of financial assets stay at almost four times the overall GDP of the European Union, and even more of the United States. What do everyday citizens - or the planet - gain from such excess?

Saskia Sassen is professor of sociology and member  of the Committee on Global Thought,  Columbia University. Her books include Losing Control? Sovereignty in the Age of Globalization (Columbia University Press, 1996); The Global City: New York, London, Tokyo (Princeton University Press, 2001); Territory, Authority, and Rights: From Medieval to Global Assemblages (Princeton University Press, 2006); and A Sociology of Globalization (WW Norton, 2007)
                           Also by Saskia Sassen in openDemocracy:
                               "A universal harm: making criminals of migrants" (21 August 2003)
                          "Fear and camouflage: the end of the liberal state?" (22 December 2005) - part of a global end-of-year symposium
                          "Free speech in the frontier-zone" (20 February 2006)
                               "A state of decay" (2 May 2006)
                   "Migration policy: from control to governance" (13 July 2006)
             "Globalisation, the state and the democratic deficit" (18 July 2007)
                     "Lahore: urban space, niche repression" (21 November 2007)
                           "The world's third spaces" (8 January 2008)
                          "The new new deal" (23 September 2008)
                       "Cities and new wars: after Mumbai" (29 November 2008)

The question answers itself. To explore further the inner workings of the financial system that has brought the world to this predicament is also to glimpse a future beyond financialisation. The task the G20 should actually address is not to save this financial system but to begin to definancialise the major economies to a significant degree, so that the world can begin to move towards the creation of a "real" economy that delivers security, stability, and sustainability. There is much work to do.

The logic

A defining feature of the period that begins in the 1980s is the use of extremely complex instruments to engage in new forms of primitive accumulation, with taxpayers' money the last frontier for extraction.  

Global firms that outsource hundreds of thousands of jobs to low-wage countries have had to develop complex organisational formats, using enormously expensive and talented experts. For what purpose? To extract more labour at the cheapest possible price, including unskilled labour that would be fairly low in the developed countries as well. The insidious element is that millions of saved cents translates into shareholders' gains.  

Finance has created some of the most complicated financial instruments in order to extract the meagre savings of modest households: by offering credit for goods they may not need and (even more seriously) promising the possibility of owning a house. The aim has been to secure as many credit-card holders and as many mortgage-holders as possible, so that they can be bundled into investment instruments. Whether people pay the mortgage or the credit-card matters less than securing a certain number of loans that can be bundled up into "investment products". Once thus bundled, the investor is no longer dependent on the individual's capacity to repay the loan or the mortgage. The use of these complex sequences of "products" has allowed investors to reap trillion-dollar profits on the backs of modest-income people. This is the logic of financialisation, which has become so dominant since the neo-liberal era began in the 1980s. 

Thus in the United States - ground zero for these forms of primitive accumulation - an average of 10,000 homeowners have been losing their home to foreclosures every day. An estimated 10-to-12 million households in the US will not be able to pay their mortgages over the next four years; under current conditions they would lose their home. This is a brutal form of primitive accumulation: presented with the possibility (which is mostly a fantasy, a lie) of owning a house, many people of modest income will put whatever few savings or future earnings they have into a down-payment.  

This type of complexity is aimed at extracting additional value from wherever it can - the small and modest and the big and rich. This too explains why the global financial system is in permanent crisis. Indeed, the term "crisis" is in some respects a misnomer: for what is happening is more nearly business as usual, the way financialised capitalism in the neo-liberal era works.

The financialising of more and more economic sectors since the 1980s has become both a sign of the power of this financial logic and the sign of its auto-exhaustion. When everything has become financialised, finance can no longer extract value. It needs non-financialised sectors to build on. The last frontier is taxpayers' money - which is real, old-fashioned, not (yet) financialised money. Krzysztof Rybinski's "zombies" are also parasites.

The limit

The difference of the current crisis is precisely that financialised capitalism has reached the limits of its own logic. It has been extremely successful at extracting value from all economic sectors through their financialising. It has penetrated such a large part of each national economy (in the highly developed world especially) that the parts of the economy where it can go to extract non-financial capital for its own rescue have become too small to provide the amount of capital needed to rescue the financial system as a whole.

By way of illustration: the global value of financial assets (which means: debt) in the whole world by September 2008 - as the crisis was exploding with the collapse of Lehman Brothers - was $160 trillion: three-and-a-half times larger than the value of global GDP. The financial system cannot be rescued by pumping in the money available.   

This in turn explains the abuses of entire economies made possible through extreme forms of financialising. Before the current "crisis" erupted, the value of financial assets in the United States had reached 450% of GDP that is to say 4.5 times total GDP (see "Mapping global capital markets", McKinsey Report, October 2008). In the European Union, it stood at 356% of GDP. More generally, the number of countries where financial assets exceed the value of their gross national product more than doubled from thirty-three in 1990 to seventy-two in 2006.

Moreover, the financial sector in Europe has grown faster than in the United States over the last decade, mostly because it started from a lower level: its compound annual growth rate in 1996-2006 was 4.4%, compared with the US rate of 2.8%.     

Even capitalist economies - leaving aside assessments of whether this is the most desirable economic system - do not need an amount of financial assets that is four times the value of GDP. Thus even within a capitalist logic, giving more funds to the financial sector in order to solve the financial "crisis" is not going to work - for it would just deepen the vortex of financialising economies.

The scale

Another way to portray the current situation is via the different orders of magnitude involved in (respectively) banking and finance. In September 2008, the value of bank assets amounted to several trillion dollars; but the total value of credit-default swaps (CDS) - the straw that broke the system - stood at almost $60 trillion. That is a sum larger than global GDP. The debts fell due, and the money was not there. 

More generally - and again, to give a sense of the orders of magnitude that the financial system has created since the 1980s - the total value of derivatives (a form of debt, and the most common financial instrument) was over $600 trillion. Such financial assets have grown far more rapidly than has any other economic sector (see Gillian Tett, "Lost through destructive creation", Financial Times, 9 March 2009).

The level of debt in the United States today is higher than in the depression of the early 1930s. In 1929, the debt-to-GDP ratio was about 150%; by 1932, it had grown to 215%. In September 2008, the outstanding debt due on credit-default swaps - a Made-in-America product (and, it should be recalled, only one type of debt - was over 400% of GDP. In global terms, the value of debt in September 2008 was $160 trillion (three times global GDP), while the value of outstanding derivatives is an almost inconceivable $640 trillion (fourteen times the GDP of all countries in the world).   

These numbers illustrate that this is indeed an "extreme" moment - but, again, it is not anomalous nor is it created by exogenous factors (as the notion of "crisis" suggests). Rather, it is the normal mode of operation of this particular type of financial system. Moreover, every time governments (that is, citizens and taxpayers) have bailed out the financial system since the first crisis of this phase - the New York stock-market crash of 1987 - they have given finance the instruments to continue its leveraging stampede. There have been five bailouts since the 1980s; on each occasion, taxpayers' money was used to pump liquidity into the financial system, and each time, finance used it to leverage. This time, the end of the cornucopia is near - we have run out of money to meet the enormous needs of the financial system.  

The bridge 

The implication of the foregoing is that two major challenges need to be faced:

▪ the need to definancialise the major economies

▪ the need to move out of the current model of capitalism.

Both will be difficult, but it will help to focus on some very basic facts. The current estimate of official global unemployment is 50 million; the International Labour Organisation (ILO) calculates that 50 million more could lose their jobs as the recession deepens. These figures are tragic for those affected. They are also relatively modest (without minimising the human reality in any way) when set against the 2 billion people in the world who are desperately poor. But this raises the question: how many "jobs" would be created if there were a system that aimed at housing and feeding those 2 billion? The world would then need those 50 million currently unemployed to go to work - and another billion more workers into the bargain.    

If seen in this light, the financial "crisis" could serve as one of the bridges into a new type of social order. It could help all involved - citizens and activists, NGOs and researchers, local communities and networks, democratic governments - to refocus on the work that needs to be done to house all people, clean our water, green our buildings and cities, develop sustainable agriculture (including urban agriculture), and provide healthcare for all. This innovative order would employ all those interested in working. When all the work that needs to be done is listed, the notion of mass unemployment makes little sense.  

The technology to underpin this work - in helping to eliminate diseases that affect millions, and to produce enough to feed all - has existed for several decades. Yet millions still die from preventable diseases and even more go hungry. Poverty has become more radical: no longer about having only a plot of land that did not produce more, today it means having only your body. Inequality too has intensified and taken on new dimensions, including a new global class of super-rich and the impoverishment of the traditional middle classes.

The history of the last generation confirms that the neo-liberal form of market economy cannot deliver answers to these problems of disease, hunger, poverty and inequality - indeed it reinforces them. Some mixing of clean markets and a strong welfare state has (as in Scandinavia) produced the best outcomes yet; but for most capitalist economies even to come near to this model would entail sweeping internal change (see Amartya Sen, "Capitalism Beyond the Crisis", New York Review of Books, 26 March 2009).

In any event, the increase in the financialising of market economies over the last generation has further sharpened the negative effects of profit-maximisation logics. To move even a little in the direction of addressing the problems financialisation has created means entering an economic space that is radically different from that of high finance. The challenge is there for those attending the G20 summit in London - and for those outside the gates.

Among openDemocracy's articles on the global crises:

Robert Wade, "The financial crisis: burst bubble, frayed model" (1 October 2007)

Simon Maxwell, "Development in a downturn" (5 July 2008)

Ann Pettifor, "The G8 in a global mess: 1920s and 1980s lessons" (7 July 2008)

Willem Buiter, "The end of American capitalism (as we knew it)" (17 September 2008)

Ann Pettifor, "The week that changed everything" (22 September 2008)

Will Hutton, "Wanted: a fairer capitalism" (6 October 2008)

Avinash Persaud, "Europe's financial crisis: the integration lesson" (7 October 2008)

Paul Rogers, "A world in flux: crisis to agency" (16 October 2008)

Andre Wilkens, "The global financial crisis: opportunities for change" (10 November 2008)

Simon Maxwell & Dirk Messner, "A new global order: Bretton Woods II...and San Francisco II" (11 November 2008)

Larry Elliott, "From G8 to G20: the end of exclusion" (16 November 2008)

Krzysztof Rybinski, "A new world order" (4 December 2008)

Krzysztof Bobinski, "Europe between past and future" (6 March 2009)

Kerry Brown, "China local, China global" (11 March 2009)

Katinka Barysch, "The real G20 agenda: from technics to politics" (16 March 2009)

Krzysztof Rybinski, "There is no zombie free lunch" (18 March 2009)

Sue Branford, "The G20's missing voice" (26 March 2009)

Will Hutton, A G20 deal: power bends to protest" (29 March 2009)

Stephen Browne, "The G20 summit: a transition moment" (1 April 2009)

 

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Comments

wolf.kessler
1 April 2009 - 8:46pm

I completely agree with your analysis as to what has happend. But why don´t you call it what ist is ? A pyramid scheme with it´s own,accomodating, monetary policy, (at least the second one in a row by the way).
"...That is a sum larger than global GDP. The debts fell due, and the money was not there. ..." Describes any pyramid scheme left to flourish, aided and abbeted by official policy to the point where it reaches a level that clearly is unsustainable.
I believe the first wave was the dot.com boom. Companies were valued at levels well beyond anything that could be justified in terms of expected revenue. (Let´s be honest here, most people invested, less because they really believed in the prospects but rather because, for a certain period of time, stocks were going up with breathtaking speed.)
When that bubble collapsed, interest rates went close to zero and behold, a second boom came along. This time in private real estate. Prices increased phenomanally. On what basis? Population growth? Not significantly more than in the 25 years prior to that. Increases in median income? Not so much... Scarcity? Not according to the statistic on building starts over that period. The ability to flip a property for a higher price shortly after having bought it? Bingo!

There´s two excellent reports on this from dateline at msnbc.com:

http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/21134540/vp/25928351#29899066

http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/21134540/vp/25928351#29827386

But this is where I have to stop agreeing with your analysis. It´s a nice thought, that the G20 meeting in London is actually going to lead to real changes, but quite naive. Just look at how the participating countries are set up:

The US:
Virtually all manufacturing has been outsourced to: China(basic products, increasingly more sophisticated), Europe(France&Italy for luxury goods, Germany for cars and sophisticated engineering), Taiwan,Korea,Malaysia,...(intermediate to sophisticated engineering, high-tech consumer goods), Japan(Cars, sophisticated engineering, high end electronics), Mexico (see China on a smaller scale).
The areas that are left are: Multinational Internet companies(Google, Microsoft, IBM), a whole lot of support services for the financial industry(accountants, consultants, lawyers), real esate sector(construction companies, realtors,...).
The Internet sector is fairly footloose, over 50% are of foreign origin anyway and most are internationally minded enough to be able to set up shop in Sydney, Singapore, Dublin, Barcelona or the French Riviera instead of Silicon Valley if things don´t work out...

The US is invested in the current system head over heals. Everything from savings(house value, stocks) is dependent on what I would call the pyramid scheme. The same goes for retirement funds(401Ks. annuities[provided by AIG if you´re lucky]).
It´s absolutely rational for the current administration to support the financial system as is. There´s not much else left Production of goods has been transfered abroad(to China mostly, the most effective development aid program to date btw.
The only way to get out of this mess is for real estate and stock values to increase again. Interest rates at nought percent, quantitative easing, and stimulus programms make absolute sense for the US. Once one is completely invested in a pyramid scheme(and has borrowed money to invest for that matter), the worst possible outcome is for that scheme to collapse, without having a replacement scheme ready to go. Inflation, government debt, further bubbles are clearly better than the alternative.

Europe:
Europe is a bit of a mixed picture, some countries have followed the american way(UK,Ireland, Spain) to boot. Others share certain problems(France, Netherlands,...), still others have streamlined their economies(Germany, Austria, Italy?). The eastern European countries are a different story, yes there have been booms, but then again there´s a fair bit of catching up to do (as Spain has shown since the 1980´s).

Asia:

"Thank you very much for making us the manufacturing centre of the world", is the first phrase that springs to mind. Of course these economies are very much geared towards export to the US currently, but, especially as you can see in the case of China, governments are reacting. Obviously many of these countries are heavily invested in the US(especially: Taiwan, Japan, China), therefore no one is going to cry wolf too loud before having braought their savings to safety. China seems to be agressively pursuing this path:
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China_Business/KC18Cb01.html

What does this mean in summary: The US are locked into reviving the financial industry. Europe should be pressing for it´s shrinkage(/abolishment in the current form) and the Asian countries want to get their money to safety before they start rocking the boat.

And what do we see?

The US are all in for reinflation of demand and the financial system.
The Europeans(ex UK) are very reluctant to provide more than a token effort.

The Japanese are currently supporting the US

The Chinese are criticising the US whilst reinflating demand.

I believe, going forward, their are two possiblilities: Either the pyramid scheme is going to collapse this time round, or the US succeeds in inflating a new bubble(pyramid scheme).

But I do believe it´s important to state clearly what´s going on here: We have been living with pyramid schemes and possibly there´s another one on the way.
There is no way in hell the G20 are going to agree on a solution that would actually benefit the average person in the long run, politicians don´t do long run, and there´s good reasons for that, for each party, as mentioned above.

If the scheme works a third time, there´s only one way to adjust: get in early and cash out before the bubble pops(once the mainstream media starts to catch on is usually the latest point to sell with a profit).
It´s sad, but that seems to be the way the system currenty works...

Tony Curzon Price
2 April 2009 - 9:11am

Sassen writes:

 

"this system ... has become too big to save: the value of global financial assets is several times the size of global gross national product (GDP)."...

"In September 2008, the outstanding debt due on credit-default swaps - a Made-in-America product (and, it should be recalled, only one type of debt - was over 400% of GDP. In global terms, the value of debt in September 2008 was $160 trillion (three times global GDP), while the value of outstanding derivatives is an almost inconceivable $640 trillion (fourteen times the GDP of all countries in the world)."

I wonder what the "right" level of financialisation is? Sassen seems to imply that debt at 3 times world GDP is too much. Is it? And what does this mean? (there also seems to be confusion introduced by calling CDSs debt, rather than insurance on debt, hence the apparently a fortiori inconsistency of 400% versus 300% of GDP ... this is just an indication of the more general difficulty of interpreting numbers in this area...)

So what does an income to debt ratio mean and what should it be? It does not seem to me that 300% is obviously the wrong number. Take the small-scale example of a domestic economy (I mean a household) that earns £25,000 per year and saves £5,000 of it per year. The household can save for 10 years, have around £50,000 in the bank (maybe more ... and these days maybe less ...) and can then borrow three times its income to buy a house for £125,000. This domestic economy now has debts three times its income. Is this too much? How can we tell?

Take another example - the building of a tidal energy barrage across the river Severn. It would be very expensive to build, but would produce clean energy for some time to come. Suppose that it takes 25 years to repay the building cost in terms of saved carbon and cheap energy, and suppose the whole building cost is paid for by debt. This project would show debt to value added of 2500%. Is this too much? I don't think so.

And at the level of the world, what is the right level of indebtedness? Surely indebtedness is a measure of the current efforts that we put into future gain. The problem is not the amount of this sort of activity we carry out, but our views of what kind of future gain we are aiming for. It is not debt, but the objects of our efforts that are the problem.
If we could all decide to go into debt to alleviate poverty, should that not be wholly welcomed? Isn't there a confusion in blasting at large numbers in themselves of form over content?

Presumably, the financial crisis happened because people thought debts were unlikely to be repaid -- underlining the idiocy of the ownership fetishism that the debts were financing. But if the debts had financed green investments and policy had created an environment in which carbon was properly priced, there would be no such doubts about repay-ability. The debts would be good and the indebtedness would be good for the world.

 

tony

GGabriel
5 April 2009 - 2:29am

Dear Tony,

I agree with your observation that question of the "right level of indebtedness" should be settled with reference to the type of anticipated future gain - i.e. private profit, ecologically unsustainable growth etc.

I believe however that an elephant is left in the room. It is not only a question of what our aims will be, but how those aims are decided. What is to be the mechanism by which the decision is to be made must be constructed.

The immediately obvious response is a frank and fair democracy. Yet this creates a further problem; democracy alone suffers the problem of "stateness" - who is to be the decision making constituency? Who gets to vote? In a climate of financial interpenetration, and continued calls to maintain a liberal international financial order who gets to partake in the decision of the aims we chase? Those affected? Those taking the risks? In a situation of global affect, and extremely concentrated risk taking are we left demanding global democratic decision making on the taking on of debt?

If we believe such global governance to be out of reach, even though we may settle for noble aims may we still maintain that we have a right to impose risk on others?

minieconomics
5 April 2009 - 1:13pm

To really understand the past and be able to protect the future you need the correct interpretation of the correct economic theories. Forget half of the content of the past theories because the world has changed, we are in the fast, communicative, technology age. We are hamstrung by derivatives, by economies that have been distorted by 30 years of extreme capitalism, by salaries that should never have been given, by banking control that should never have been allowed, by the huge printing of secondary money in the form of mortgages, credit cards etc that the players now want converted into real money, by paid and controlled world politicians, by globalisation. We have to have a modern day theory with the inclusion of the best and most appropriate parts of the past. It has to be a theory from the experience of the economy, applying the theory to the economy not the economy to the theoretical theory. As the Irishman said when asked for a direction 'I would not start from here if I were you'. I do not know whether the 1st world can start from here, the developing world can because it has not used up its financial multipliers and confidence, it is still based primarily on real money. I am not an economist, I was an actuary. I could never fit the economics to the theories so I developed my own. See them on www.minieconomics.com they are simple, they are real. See my articles on this site especially 'Money- no alternative but the alternative' and 'Financial Slavery'. There are not many solutions to this problem. There is only one and it has to be outside of the banking sector. Do you really know what the definition of capitalism is? Does anyone? Capitalisation is the current value of a future income stream discounted by a rate of interest BUT it also has to be discounted by the risk of payment. That risk is currently close to 100%and therefore there can not be capitalism!!!!

Please contact me

William deB. Mills
2 April 2009 - 4:15pm

I never thought of “the system” that you warn us is too big
to save as “the financial system.” Surely the global economic system is much
bigger than just the financial layer, which I would certainly agree, has been
intentionally managed as a means of allowing the rich to exploit the poor. All
Americans have exploited the rest of the world and the American
financial-political elite has exploited all other Americans. We are now “all in
this together” suffering the impact of the Reagan Revolution in
Irresponsibility and Deregulation.

Yes, the system of putting financial games ahead of genuine
production of useful goods needs replacement. But that does not necessarily
mean replacement of the whole economic system. That conclusion merits further
study.

Beyond all discussion of economics still lies the global
political system, which can be distinguished from the global economic system
but not separated from it. Financial exploitation and political exploitation
are two sides of the same coin
; the financial games of Wall Street, legalized
by their Washington
buddies under both Clinton and Bush, are the other side of the coin of the
militarization of foreign policy. No reform of the financial system, no
replacement of the financial system is likely to work unless the policies of “preventive
war” and “security through strength” are replaced with policies designed to enhance
the social, economic, political, legal, and military security for the poor
people of the world.

Whether the current recession will provoke us all into
biting the bullet (which will, for example, entail some real standard of living
costs for middle class Americans) or trap us in another era of rightwing
dictatorship like that provoked by the Great Depression is the challenge we
face. The scandalous non-reaction by decisionmakers to the Stiglitz report to
the U.N. on how to overcome the recession suggests that our chances of success
are dangerously slim. And the Stiglitz report with its focus on economics is,
from my perspective as a political scientist, far too narrow to provide the
road to success. Needed change, whether replacing or just reforming the system,
will require concomitant change of the rules of governance for the global
political system as well.

 

William deB. Mills
http://shadowedforest.blogspot.com

Thomas Ash
2 April 2009 - 4:39pm

I understood what we were ultimately trying to save to be the availability of credit, not inflated asset prices. We do gain something from this, even if people sometimes use it for purposes Sassen regards as less worthwhile, like buying products they don't need, getting the illusion of home-ownership, etc. (I'm partly sympathetic, but neither we nor bankers nor financiers get to dictate what people use credit for - and I don't buy the implication that the financier class caused our culture of over-consumption).

3 April 2009 - 5:19am

http://statehoodhawaii.org/wp/index.php/2009/03/26/marshall-plan-our-economic-downturn/

As opportunistic as it was, the Marshall Plan is what gave the United States its dominance in the world market. The drafters of this plan however, knew that this was not an infinite system as many today might argue– particularly those continuing to uphold Reaganism or the idea of American led free-markets. As Senator Vandenberg said, the Marshall Plan was destined to be “the turning point in history for 100 years to come.”

ingenesist
3 April 2009 - 6:38pm

The Ingenesist Project specifies 3 web applications which if developed and applied to social media would allow human knowledge to become tangible outside the construct of the corporation and inside social media. This changes everything.

We are a lot closer than many may think to what you are describing here.

Thanks

Dan

The Ingenesist Project

Mokurai
3 April 2009 - 10:55pm

All for ourselves, and nothing for anybody else, seems, in every age of the world, to be the vile maxim of the masters of mankind.--Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations

He who has the Gold, makes the Rules.--Anonymous

To make a change in the financial system requires the rest of us to oppose those who run it as energetically and systematically as they pursue their greed. What political party, what platform proposes to do this? None that I know of, except those who would replace the greedy with themselves, without creating any new citizen oversight. It may be possible, but not by complaining. It would be real work, with the only reward the welfare of mankind. Who's in?

--

Silent Thunder (默雷/धर्ममेघशब्दगर्ज/دھرممیگھشبدگر ج) is my name
And Children are my nation.
The Cosmos is my dwelling place, The Truth my destination.
http://wiki.sugarlabs.org/go/User:Mokurai

Jeff Mowatt
4 April 2009 - 6:48am

So, you want a new model of capitalism. Then let me put aside all the blame and toxic instruments and get straight into a manifesto.

Principles of People-Centered economics.

In essence business must serve humanity first before greed based upon conjuring abstract numbers.

When first put forward as a while paper, to the re-election committee for President Clinton, many considered it economic heresy. The author, acknowledging that capitalism, to date, had proven to be the most effective engine  for economic development yet devised, yet failed to reach a significant part of a given population, even where constrained by democratic governance and enforced laws which contained corruption.

White paper for new capitalism

 Those disenfranchised were likely to see their existent threatened and respond in the only way avaialble to them, through violence. The tools made available through the (then) dawning information age offered an opportunity to apply a new model at the microeconomic level.

Following the 9/11 attacks and a meeting of world leaders in Montery in 2002, many others agreed on the perception that poverty and disenfranchisement offered a seed bad to terrorism.

The people-centered model was then applied when the opportunity arose, in Russia. It sourced a development project and microfinance bank in the city of Tomsk which was to be replicated in several Russian citiies and Tblisi, Georgia.

Tomsk initiative

The Tomsk bank funded the creation of 10,000 businesses in a city of 600,000 with 95% survival rate > 12 months and typically for moral collateral microfinance, close to 100% repayment rate. The $6 million invested was ramped of to $10 million with a year due to success and more than full cost recovery was achieved in the 4 years project duration.

The concept was then taken to Crimea with a proposal for the repatriated Tatars which compared there relative returms between lifting a community out of poverty and the equivalent spend on Tomahawk Cruise missiles in a re-run of the Balkan conflict. Later in an interview with a dispora leader, founder Terry Hallman gives an overview of the "swords to ploughshares" aims and his perception of the inadquacy of orthodox capitalism.

ICC Tatar interview

 By 2004, we'd resolved to scale up efforts. A national scale initiative in Ukriane would, like the Crimea proposal, compare relative returns against armed intervention. This time it would be a comparison with the cost of war, in Iraq for one week.

Proposed as mix of components with varying degrees of social and economic return, it would deliver broadband infrastructure, microfinance, and social enterprise to underwrite the cost of institutional childcare reforms, The vicious cycle of poverty to be broken by first ensuring that all children had family homes.

A 'Marshall Plan' for Ukraine

First response came from the US Government at Davos in 2008 in the creation of the East Europe Foundation which has since promoted and encouraged sustainable community enterprise (aka social enterprise), With Ukraine's government agreeing to 400+ rehab centres for disabled children, doubling the adoption allowance and a pilot of the Homes for All concept in the Oblast of Kharkiv where the paper was delivered.

This then is the practical application of a new model of capitalism over the past 10 years.

Martin Hugh Large
5 April 2009 - 5:38pm

Great article. For light relief, go and watch Richard Curtis' 'The boat that rocked'-then lets go to work and build a mutual, associative economy-starting with local food, green jobs, local asset mutual funds, co-op development -then land value tax, local community asset ownership, a citizens income and the communal control of capital for public benefit. But why isn't your analysis more widely known?

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