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The British Crisis

Do the public really want to change ‘the system’?: Stuart Wilks-Heeg presents polling evidence
 

Don't trust MPs' constitutional poker: Guy Aitchison supports the call for a citizens' convention
 

Brown's 'National Council for Democratic Renewal': Anthony Barnett on the Prime Minister's desperate proposal
 

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Who Polices The Police?

Open letter to the BBC: Guy Aitchison and Stuart White raise serious concerns with the BBC's coverage of G20 policing
 

The Met must stop spinning G20 policing: Defend Peaceful Protest on the Met's response to its critics
 

Met watchdog criticises G20 policing: Anna Bragga reports on the MPA meeting
 

Our campaign to defend peaceful protest launches: Guy Aitchison and Andy May have some questions for the Met following the policing of the G20
 

The architectural photographer as terrorist: Edward Denison recounts his detention for photographing a police station
 

Letter to the Beeb: Guy Aitchison responds to a complacent and misleading feature on "kettling" for the BBC website
 

Not "kettling" but "bubbling": Clare Coatman on polarised views of police and protesters
 

Kettling - another special relationship: Charles Shaw's eye-witness account of the practice's US debut
 

Practical proposals to reform the police: Guy Aitchison invites OK readers to add to a list
 

Met orders review into policing of protests: Guy Aitchison comments on Sir Paul Stephenson's suggestions
 

Trapped and beaten by police in Climate Camp: Testimony from Chris Abbott

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The Damian Green Affair


A Very British Arrest: Laura Sandys on the precedent of her father's 1939 experience.


One reason why the police are dangerous, undemocratic and stupid: Anthony Barnett condemns an attack on democracy.


Questioned by the Met: An MP's experience: Tony Clarke on the crucial differences with his own case.


A Constitutional Failure: The Damian Green case highlights the need for a written constitution, argues Tom Griffin.

Immigration islands


The Return of Enoch: Enoch Powell's repatriation agenda must not be rehabilitated, argues Sunder Katwala.


The ugly economics of immigration: Paul Kingsnorth on why the left is out of step with working class interests.


Immigration and the Politics of Resentment: Shamser Sinha suggests the real problem is a politics that turns neighbour against neighbour.

A neoliberal kingdom


Britain’s neo-liberal state: The financial crisis exposes the need for democratic modernisation, argue Gerry Hassan and Anthony Barnett.


MODERN LIBERTY



Digital Privacy Wars: Guy Aitchison flags up a debate on the threat business poses to digital privacy


The Stalker State: Phil Booth of No2ID on the proposed Comms database


Say 'No' to 42 days: Sign Amnesty's petition against extending pre-charge detention


What do we do now?: Anthony Barnett assesses the stakes for for liberals and radicals in David Davis's campaign against the erosion of rights and liberties


The Abundance of Caution: an authoritative essay by Anthony Barnett sets out the case against 42 Days

Labour After Brown

The next left -Life after the Labour Party: Gerry Hassan sees a historic opportunity for the emergence of a post-New Labour left.

Scottish Labour, where's the coffee?: Gerry Hassan assesses the prospects for Scottish Labour and its new leader.

Lesson for the Left from Chile to Britain: Hassan Akram offers a global perspective on Labour's malaise.

From Milibland to Johnson land?: Jeremy Gilbert argues for Labour without neo-liberalism.

Magical thinking on Britishness: Anthony Barnett critiques Liam Byrne on fraternity.

Rule of law at risk: Geoffrey Bindman calls for a turn away from the marketisation of government.

A new Bill of Rights for Britain?: Guy Aitchison analyses Parliament's proposed new Bill of Rights.

Miliband - by our rights we will know you: Claire O'Brien puts forward a new progressive vision for Labour.

Recapturing liberal Britain: David Marquand challenges Labour's constitutional orthodoxy.

Miliband and the Liberal Democrats: James Graham on the case for realignment.

What is Labour's British story?: Writing from Scotland, Gerry Hassan widens the OurKingdom debate on Labour's future.

This is not Brown's crisis but Britain's: David Marquand says social democracy is bust and Britain may be too.

The Challenges for Miliband's Progressive Fusion: Fabian Society head Sunder Katwala responds to David Miliband.

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Do you “deserve” your rights?

James Graham, 13 - 01 - 2009
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James Graham (Quaequam Blog!): Anyone who thinks our civil liberties will be any better protected by a Conservative Government should think again. Speaking in Bangor (the Northern Ireland flavour) on Friday, the News Letter reports Shadow Home Secretary Dominic Grieve saying:

… there is “a rights culture” which is “out of control”, not just in Ulster, but throughout the UK.

It did not help that “the undeserving in society” can often use rights legislation for personal gain, he added.

The Conservatives, he suggested, intend to create a UK Bill of Rights which would have in-built safeguards to prevent those “whose own behaviour is lacking” from abusing the powers.


I’m used to people from across the political spectrum differentiating between the “deserving” and “undeserving” poor when it comes to welfare but not when it comes to fundamental rights. This rhetoric even goes beyond the talk about “rights and duties.”

In fairness to Labour, even the Jack Straws of this world have fallen short of using language as stark as this. Michael Wills was arguing last month that by “responsibilities” all they are talking about is the vague rhetoric about responsibilities that you can find in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and I have heard Straw on more than one occasion insist that by “duties” he means nothing more than the riders which can be found in the European Convention. Of course, that doesn’t stop them from using loaded rhetoric whenever they want to court favour with the Daily Mail.

I suspect that tailoring your rhetoric to suit your (in this case the dinosaurs in the DUP and UUP) audience is something that Grieve himself is guilty of here but even at their best, the Tories don’t offer the same reassurances that Labour do. It is rank cowardice on their part not to call for its outright rejection, rooted in a knowledge that it would make us the pariahs of Europe (we would have to leave the Council of Europe and subsequently the EU). More to the point, he is talking tosh: when challenged, the anti-HRA brigade consistently fail to come up with concrete examples of how eeeeevil people are using it for “personal gain.”

I don’t actually think the Tories mean all this nonsense. I do fear however that if they regain control the constant undermining of the HRA that Labour are guilty of will be turned up several notches.

And let’s not forget that Grieve is a supposed “wet” - just imagine how much further his own backbenchers will want to push him? And before you carp “never mind this human rights nonsense, at least the Tories will be better on civil liberties” - nu-uh.

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fredrickpartisa... said:

Tue, 2009-01-13 18:58

Good article. If the Tories could drop this brutish line of reasoning then perhaps we could take their policy on British Bill of Rights and responsibilities a little bit more seriously.

The idea that there is some justification in this logic because it merely reflects popular sentiment is simply to allow the discourse on human rights to wash through the political sphere; “oh, I’m just the mouth piece of popular sentiment, of course, I don’t really believe this puerile nonsense.”

Sadly it seems that they might, raising the arcane spectre of the concept of a “civic death,” i.e. that prisoners have fully forfeited their right to be a member of society and takes it one step further: one can actually forfeit their right to be a fully realised human! They are, instead, not human (or British?) enough to have those rights, (or should I say priveleges?).

One must wonder if Grieve doesn’t think, “we should just lock them all up and throw away the key, that’s what I say!”

I seem to remember the preamble of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights mentioned the “inalienable rights of all members of the human family.” So, if you will permit me to indulge in some brutish logic of my own; Grieve seems to be saying, in public, that the Universal Declaration got it wrong and that perhaps we should reconsider the “inalienable” part of the Convention. 

“Grieve thinks that the Universal Declaration got it wrong; should be Universal except for really nasty people, and possibly those we don’t like (or are suspicious of; or have an ASBO; or haven’t been convicted of a terrorist offence; or ...; or...)”

- Not snappy enough to be a Sun headline.

Of course, one must permit the retort that “Grieve is a Burke(an)”

Tim J –your point is a valid one, just scrapping the HRA wouldn’t mean the UK would have to leave the Council of Europe or the EU. However, Grieve’s sentiments (i.e. incorporating the notion of forfeiture into the “right holders” legal position) if they found there way into law, go much further than this. They would be given a very tough time in the European Court of Human Rights; I have no doubt whatsoever that Strasbourg would find against the UK using such a notion – do you really think it would be a proportionate restriction? – the legitimate aim might be hard to find as well, and that’s just the qualified rights. Indeed, they’d be given a hard time in the British courts, where I think the common law may have been invigorated by the Human Rights Act more than politicians care to realise.

 

Finally if we ever actually get a Lisbon treaty then the fact that it accedes to the ECHR would mean that it might be difficult not to provide effective national remedies for human rights infringements (as defined by the Strasbourg court) - of course how this would work in practice remains to be seen.

Tim J (not verified) said:

Tue, 2009-01-13 15:52

"we would have to leave the Council of Europe and subsequently the EU"

I think this is a bit of a misunderstanding of both the position under European law and the Conservative proposals - though it's such a widespread one that I'm certainly not blaming you for it.

The requirement is that Britain recognise the European Convention on Human Rights (the old 1950 statement of principles). Until the creation of the HRA in 1998 it was not thought necessary for Britain to enact specific legislation encompassing the ECHR, as it was considered that the broad principles espoused by it were covered under British statutory and common law.

So a straight abolition of the HRA would bring Britain back to where we were in 1998 - when British citizens had a right to appeal to the ECHR (the court one) if they felt their position under the Convention was being denied.

If we abnegated from the ECHR, then yes we would have to leave the Council of Europe and thus the EU, but that's not what the Tories are suggesting.

We can get on to the merits of what the Tories seem to be advocating through their 'Bill of Rights' stuff later if you want, but it does need to be said that if the British Government abolished the HRA tomorrow, it would have precisely no effect whatsoever on our legal constitutional relationship with the EU.

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