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Do the public really want to change ‘the system’?: Stuart Wilks-Heeg presents polling evidence
 

Don't trust MPs' constitutional poker: Guy Aitchison supports the call for a citizens' convention
 

Brown's 'National Council for Democratic Renewal': Anthony Barnett on the Prime Minister's desperate proposal
 

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Who Polices The Police?

Open letter to the BBC: Guy Aitchison and Stuart White raise serious concerns with the BBC's coverage of G20 policing
 

The Met must stop spinning G20 policing: Defend Peaceful Protest on the Met's response to its critics
 

Met watchdog criticises G20 policing: Anna Bragga reports on the MPA meeting
 

Our campaign to defend peaceful protest launches: Guy Aitchison and Andy May have some questions for the Met following the policing of the G20
 

The architectural photographer as terrorist: Edward Denison recounts his detention for photographing a police station
 

Letter to the Beeb: Guy Aitchison responds to a complacent and misleading feature on "kettling" for the BBC website
 

Not "kettling" but "bubbling": Clare Coatman on polarised views of police and protesters
 

Kettling - another special relationship: Charles Shaw's eye-witness account of the practice's US debut
 

Practical proposals to reform the police: Guy Aitchison invites OK readers to add to a list
 

Met orders review into policing of protests: Guy Aitchison comments on Sir Paul Stephenson's suggestions
 

Trapped and beaten by police in Climate Camp: Testimony from Chris Abbott

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The Damian Green Affair


A Very British Arrest: Laura Sandys on the precedent of her father's 1939 experience.


One reason why the police are dangerous, undemocratic and stupid: Anthony Barnett condemns an attack on democracy.


Questioned by the Met: An MP's experience: Tony Clarke on the crucial differences with his own case.


A Constitutional Failure: The Damian Green case highlights the need for a written constitution, argues Tom Griffin.

Immigration islands


The Return of Enoch: Enoch Powell's repatriation agenda must not be rehabilitated, argues Sunder Katwala.


The ugly economics of immigration: Paul Kingsnorth on why the left is out of step with working class interests.


Immigration and the Politics of Resentment: Shamser Sinha suggests the real problem is a politics that turns neighbour against neighbour.

A neoliberal kingdom


Britain’s neo-liberal state: The financial crisis exposes the need for democratic modernisation, argue Gerry Hassan and Anthony Barnett.


MODERN LIBERTY



Digital Privacy Wars: Guy Aitchison flags up a debate on the threat business poses to digital privacy


The Stalker State: Phil Booth of No2ID on the proposed Comms database


Say 'No' to 42 days: Sign Amnesty's petition against extending pre-charge detention


What do we do now?: Anthony Barnett assesses the stakes for for liberals and radicals in David Davis's campaign against the erosion of rights and liberties


The Abundance of Caution: an authoritative essay by Anthony Barnett sets out the case against 42 Days

Labour After Brown

The next left -Life after the Labour Party: Gerry Hassan sees a historic opportunity for the emergence of a post-New Labour left.

Scottish Labour, where's the coffee?: Gerry Hassan assesses the prospects for Scottish Labour and its new leader.

Lesson for the Left from Chile to Britain: Hassan Akram offers a global perspective on Labour's malaise.

From Milibland to Johnson land?: Jeremy Gilbert argues for Labour without neo-liberalism.

Magical thinking on Britishness: Anthony Barnett critiques Liam Byrne on fraternity.

Rule of law at risk: Geoffrey Bindman calls for a turn away from the marketisation of government.

A new Bill of Rights for Britain?: Guy Aitchison analyses Parliament's proposed new Bill of Rights.

Miliband - by our rights we will know you: Claire O'Brien puts forward a new progressive vision for Labour.

Recapturing liberal Britain: David Marquand challenges Labour's constitutional orthodoxy.

Miliband and the Liberal Democrats: James Graham on the case for realignment.

What is Labour's British story?: Writing from Scotland, Gerry Hassan widens the OurKingdom debate on Labour's future.

This is not Brown's crisis but Britain's: David Marquand says social democracy is bust and Britain may be too.

The Challenges for Miliband's Progressive Fusion: Fabian Society head Sunder Katwala responds to David Miliband.

England Awakes?

England, Britain and multiculturalism: an OurKingdom exchange

A mild awakening?, England's turn? by David Goodhart

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When Jerusalem turns to Little England

Simon Barrow, 23 - 06 - 2008
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Simon Barrow (London, Ekklesia): Mention the word ‘Jerusalem’ in your local high street and the chances are that the first thing to come to mind will not be a city tragically divided between three faith and two peoples, but Blake’s famous hymn – associated, through many mutations, with the left’s dream of a new society and the right’s assumptions about ‘quintessential Englishness’.

Right now, the city is hosting a high profile conference of global Anglican complainants – Christian ‘anti-liberals’ – from a number of continents where the earlier missions of the Church of England took root. They have now ended up in revolt against the polite toleration that earlier generations took as the core of Anglicanism in the twentieth century, at least. So what is going on? And what does it have to do with Blake and Englishness?

The Anglican Communion, 78 million strong on paper, but perhaps half of that size in practice, is in certain senses an experiment in hope and in other respects a colonial hangover. The hope, religiously, has been of a creative reconciliation of the traditional tensions between Protestant and Catholic. Politically, it has sought a transition from empire to commonwealth. The hangover, currently projecting itself onto a land with more than enough of its own troubles, and about to land in Kent for the ten yearly Lambeth Conference of bishops, concerns what happens to an elite when its heritage turns on it with a vengeance.

When Anglican missionaries ventured forth in the nineteenth century they took with them a curious blend of Bible, welfare, commerce, radicalism (abolitionism) and conservatism (Victorian morals). In many cases, and contrary to popular assumptions, the aim was not to ‘plant a seed of England’ but to enable the growth of indigenous churches in African and Asian soil. To a significant extent it succeeded – though if you look at the structures and rituals of Nigerian Anglicanism today, for example, you will see more than a few echoes of England’s mythic past.

On sexuality, the current focus of often-vituperative arguments between ‘the liberal North’ and ‘the conservative South’ (it’s actually a good deal more complex than that, both geographically and ideologically), an innate missionary conservatism met and reinforced some deep taboos about homosexuality in traditional cultures. Now the former clients of the ‘mother church’ in England and in the USA (where much of the money still resides) are biting back. They want the Communion to be lead from the growing two-thirds world, not from a shrinking Western church.
Looked at another way, the struggle is not primarily between liberal and conservative, black and white or global North and South. It is between one vision of Christianity based on its most subversive and transformatory instincts and another based on the top-down control and moralism that superseded earlier Christian movements (ones that frequently defied traditional familial, religious and imperial procedures) when it became incorporated into established orders. That is what spread, and that is what is returning to haunt the Anglicanism’s historic custodians.

In all of this, ‘tradition’ is a key battleground. When writing ‘Jerusalem’, William Blake, the subversive Christian, was seeking to overturn establishment thinking. The answer to his famous question, “And did those feet in ancient time / Walk upon England's mountains green” was meant to be “no”. The question was ironic. The British Israelites had lost the plot. Turning England into a dream of the powerful was mystification. Jerusalem, the city of justice, was yet to be built. Among the obstacles were those “dark Satanic mills” – actually a reference to the upper class learning factories of Oxford and Cambridge.

Similarly, many would say (among them some deeply “traditional” believers), judgemental, inward-looking Christianity, pleased with its own righteousness and usurping God’s voice as its own, is a betrayal of the much deeper tradition residing in the Jesus who sided with the outcasts and was crucified by “respectable” religion and politics.
Christendom, the form of Christianity too easily allied with might and injustice, is deeply divided against itself. The alternative is not sectarian fundamentalism (as in the US and elsewhere, that is simply another way of shoring up the power of competing rulers), but a renewed, ground-up vision of the Christian message articulated with reason, courtesy, love and a passion for justice not exclusion.

Simon Barrow’s book Fear or Freedom? Why a warring church must change, is published by Shoving Leopard / Ekklesia on 30 June 2008.

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