Anthony Barnett (London, OK): In a meditation on the fate of "Big Player" Unionism in Scotland, in today's FT, John Lloyd fails to register that this is now an argument taking place in England - the really big change from ten years ago. He looks forward cautiously to a Labour win in Glasgow on Thursday and at the same time considers what the argument for the Union needs to be now in Scotland. He asks,
"And what, indeed, would a renewed Unionism look and sound like? Mr Brown has sought to equate Britishness with "a passion for liberty anchored in a sense of duty and an intrinsic commitment to fair play", as he put it three years ago, when still chancellor of the exchequer."
I don't know how credible this equation sounds to Scottish ears, but elsewhere in the UK it points to costs of the Prime Minister's 42 days folly. "Liberty" is undermined by detention without trial. "Fair play" is traduced by the corruption of the Commons into a bazaar. "Sense of duty"? To what? As Gareth Young has pointed out, English MPs voted by a majority of 19 against any extension of detention without trial. It may not make an impression in Glasgow. But this in itself may reinforce the sense of separate national politics now proceeding in their different ways. There is of course a deeply rooted Scottish Labour Party and labour movement, more so than in England. It may hold its ground there. In doing so it may signal not the preservation of traditional British politics, as Lloyd seems to hope, but rather a deepening difference in the rhythms and loyalties of the two countries as Brown's Scottish unionism fails to inspire even south of the border.












danny boy (not verified) said:
Wed, 2008-07-23 08:57When Lloyd talks of "the big figures from-but no longer in-Scottish politics", he unconsciously expresses something profound, but then shows his own blindness to this fact by going on to talk about making the argument for the union.
The union has been maintained in Scotland through the suppression of argument; the Scottish establishment knew early on that this was the price for prosperity. It may also be because of Presbyterian support, but the union has been treated, until very recently, as a moral rather than a political issue.
Reaction to those who questioned it was not that they were humoured, as I think Lloyd was trying to say, it was nastier than that. They were treated as morally suspect and there is a long history of such thoughts being loosely associated with a dark and primitive side to Scotland's past, as part of what has come to be called the Scottish cringe.
The success of the SNP has therefore been testimony to the decline of this monolithic British presumption, and is in itself destabilising. This poses particular problems, not just for the other parties, but for Scottish civil society as a whole, because the ground rules of what is permissible to Scots in terms of attitudes and aspirations is no longer proscribed.
The difficulty, highlighted by Lloyd's and other's blind spot, in discussing the present situation lies in the peculiarity of the Scottish case, which is that a continuing separate Scottish state structure was negotiated in 1707. As Nairn has argued in After Britain', to stabilise this unusual situation close tries were formed between elites, most importantly at the Westminster parliament.
Scotland was a state without a polity, serious politics, like serious business, took place in London. This was a fact of life, and questioning this was discouraged. So the Labour Party finds itself in uncharted waters, its usual responses, like that off all other British governing parties of the carrot and stick [Barnett or dire warnings of economic disaster] are no longer enough [devolution can be seen as a new variant of the carrot].
After 300 years of studiously trying to bury the issue of its incomplete nation building, the British establishment now finds it nigh impossible to know how to respond when the taboo has been breeched.
Alex Buchan