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The British Crisis

Do the public really want to change ‘the system’?: Stuart Wilks-Heeg presents polling evidence
 

Don't trust MPs' constitutional poker: Guy Aitchison supports the call for a citizens' convention
 

Brown's 'National Council for Democratic Renewal': Anthony Barnett on the Prime Minister's desperate proposal
 

More in this series

Who Polices The Police?

Open letter to the BBC: Guy Aitchison and Stuart White raise serious concerns with the BBC's coverage of G20 policing
 

The Met must stop spinning G20 policing: Defend Peaceful Protest on the Met's response to its critics
 

Met watchdog criticises G20 policing: Anna Bragga reports on the MPA meeting
 

Our campaign to defend peaceful protest launches: Guy Aitchison and Andy May have some questions for the Met following the policing of the G20
 

The architectural photographer as terrorist: Edward Denison recounts his detention for photographing a police station
 

Letter to the Beeb: Guy Aitchison responds to a complacent and misleading feature on "kettling" for the BBC website
 

Not "kettling" but "bubbling": Clare Coatman on polarised views of police and protesters
 

Kettling - another special relationship: Charles Shaw's eye-witness account of the practice's US debut
 

Practical proposals to reform the police: Guy Aitchison invites OK readers to add to a list
 

Met orders review into policing of protests: Guy Aitchison comments on Sir Paul Stephenson's suggestions
 

Trapped and beaten by police in Climate Camp: Testimony from Chris Abbott

More in this series

The Damian Green Affair


A Very British Arrest: Laura Sandys on the precedent of her father's 1939 experience.


One reason why the police are dangerous, undemocratic and stupid: Anthony Barnett condemns an attack on democracy.


Questioned by the Met: An MP's experience: Tony Clarke on the crucial differences with his own case.


A Constitutional Failure: The Damian Green case highlights the need for a written constitution, argues Tom Griffin.

Immigration islands


The Return of Enoch: Enoch Powell's repatriation agenda must not be rehabilitated, argues Sunder Katwala.


The ugly economics of immigration: Paul Kingsnorth on why the left is out of step with working class interests.


Immigration and the Politics of Resentment: Shamser Sinha suggests the real problem is a politics that turns neighbour against neighbour.

A neoliberal kingdom


Britain’s neo-liberal state: The financial crisis exposes the need for democratic modernisation, argue Gerry Hassan and Anthony Barnett.


MODERN LIBERTY



Digital Privacy Wars: Guy Aitchison flags up a debate on the threat business poses to digital privacy


The Stalker State: Phil Booth of No2ID on the proposed Comms database


Say 'No' to 42 days: Sign Amnesty's petition against extending pre-charge detention


What do we do now?: Anthony Barnett assesses the stakes for for liberals and radicals in David Davis's campaign against the erosion of rights and liberties


The Abundance of Caution: an authoritative essay by Anthony Barnett sets out the case against 42 Days

Labour After Brown

The next left -Life after the Labour Party: Gerry Hassan sees a historic opportunity for the emergence of a post-New Labour left.

Scottish Labour, where's the coffee?: Gerry Hassan assesses the prospects for Scottish Labour and its new leader.

Lesson for the Left from Chile to Britain: Hassan Akram offers a global perspective on Labour's malaise.

From Milibland to Johnson land?: Jeremy Gilbert argues for Labour without neo-liberalism.

Magical thinking on Britishness: Anthony Barnett critiques Liam Byrne on fraternity.

Rule of law at risk: Geoffrey Bindman calls for a turn away from the marketisation of government.

A new Bill of Rights for Britain?: Guy Aitchison analyses Parliament's proposed new Bill of Rights.

Miliband - by our rights we will know you: Claire O'Brien puts forward a new progressive vision for Labour.

Recapturing liberal Britain: David Marquand challenges Labour's constitutional orthodoxy.

Miliband and the Liberal Democrats: James Graham on the case for realignment.

What is Labour's British story?: Writing from Scotland, Gerry Hassan widens the OurKingdom debate on Labour's future.

This is not Brown's crisis but Britain's: David Marquand says social democracy is bust and Britain may be too.

The Challenges for Miliband's Progressive Fusion: Fabian Society head Sunder Katwala responds to David Miliband.

England Awakes?

England, Britain and multiculturalism: an OurKingdom exchange

A mild awakening?, England's turn? by David Goodhart

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Rule of law at risk

Geoffrey Bindman, 14 - 08 - 2008
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Geoffrey Bindman (London, BIHR): The interesting OurKingdom debate on Labour After Brown risks becoming too remote from actual policy needs as it discusses general strategy. Of course, government needs to be fairer and extend justice in a way that supports individuals while building shared values. If this is what David Miliband and Sunder Katwala mean by combining social democracy with liberalism, who could disagree? Except that it runs the danger of phrase-making. What I am looking for is a much more principled approach to endorsing the need for public values that explicitly face down the marketisation of government that has been the tragic hallmark of New Labour. After a lifetime of support, I have witnessed this process at first hand, as the legacy of 1945 is systematically undone. What is happening is wrong. We need the new generation to identify that it is wrong and pledge to reverse it.

There cannot be democracy, let alone social democracy, without the rule of law. The rule of law is meaningful only if there is equal access to the courts. Justice demands a level playing field. That is only possible if everyone has equal access to legal advice and representation. That means legal aid – public funding to provide necessary help for those who cannot afford the cost of legal services.

The Legal Aid and Advice Act 1949 was a striking achievement of the post-war Labour government, parallel to the National Health Service and just as remarkable. It put those too poor to pay lawyers on a par with those who could. By so doing it made everyone more equal before the law. It did so by using legal aid to pay fees out of public funds. As a monopoly funder the government could keep rates to a minimum and did so.

Now, however, the drive to cut costs has undermined the effectiveness of legal aid. It has restricted its scope to the extremely poor –  those eligible for welfare benefits and a small number of others. It has excluded many lawyers from offering their services  by making legal aid practice no longer economically viable. 

Yet at the same time the need for legal advice and help has grown directly as a result of government policies. As more and more legislation pours out of Westminster and Whitehall so the demand for interpretation and explanation extends among the population. Public authorities and private corporations have ready access to legal advice. They are expanding the resources they employ on them, as can be seen by the growth in the income and profits of the law firms which represent them. But this greatly increases the needs of ordinary citizens, with regular jobs that now exclude them from legal aid, to have to defend themselves, challenge actions and interpretations, and pursue reasonable claims.

Citizens can no longer afford to pay for vital  professional help and advice. The government has failed to provide the resources to enable these needs to be met.  Instead, it has tried to find ways of trimming the legal aid budget. Following a standard  New Labour technique, it appointed a business man to solve the problem. Lord Carter of Coles must have seemed the ideal candidate for the job. He had run a highly profitable private health care company. And, since 2004, he has been a Labour working peer with a loyal voting record: the latest figures reveal that of several hundred votes he has cast in the Lords, only one was against the Government. He is a close friend of Jack Straw, having been best man at both his weddings.

Lord Carter published his report, “Legal Aid: A Market Based Approach”  in July 2006. The title neatly summarises his perspective and its fundamental fallacy: that providing legal services is on a par with selling soap powder or paper clips. This approach supposes that people only need and expect from lawyers mechanical answers to factual questions – as if the lawyer was a kind of “speak your weight” machine. Carter’s money saving solution is twofold. Fixed fees per case, regardless of complexity; coupled with “best value tendering” - competitive tendering to bring down those fees to the lowest possible level.

The result he expects, and seeks, is to concentrate legal aid in a few large factory law firms churning out computerised advice and case preparation in standardised chunks. As Carter puts it, in the management speak he favours, “procurement driven restructuring is likely to see an increase in the average size of firms through growth and mergers.” They would replace the range of small firms, conveniently spread throughout the country, which would be priced out of the market. Already, many of the most experienced legal aid solicitors have been forced out, because current rates are too low – often a tenth of the rates charged by City firms to their corporate clients.

Lord Carter’s proposals have been roundly condemned not only by the legal profession but by a number of independent bodies which represent the interests of the most deprived in the community, including the Constitutional Affairs Committee of the House of Commons.

Carter has a track record of really bad ideas. He is the advocate of the “Titan” prison – another mindless example of “bigger is better” -  and of the proposed reform of sentencing policy, based on a discredited US model and condemned by an expert working party chaired by Lord Justice Gage as inflexible and unsuitable.

But what is happening with legal aid is much worse than a misconceived initiative. For all the talk about empowering the individual and expanding choice, the fundamental obligation of progressive government is to assist the weak, when their case is just, against the strong. No one disputes that legal aid must be managed efficiently and economically but the Government has pursued economy at the expense of justice. Its priorities must be reversed. 

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