Middle Eastern revolutionaries and spectators alike, deprived in the media of any representation of their own agency and denied the chance of producing their own new life chances, end up commodifying the identities they are exposed to within their social pattern
Contemporary Britain already has a more-or-less intelligible public moral theory that guides much of its laws and policy. Unfortunately, this public theory is virtually silent on the matter of immigration.
Over the past few days, Ramallah has restored my faith in the untiring free spirit of the people of Palestine. It has given me hope.
The ongoing unprovoked dehumanization of Palestinians crossing borders into Egypt shows no likelihood of change on the ground. So I have to ask myself,“Are we really expecting too much from the current Egyptian government?”
The revolution was the graveyard of the old way of doing business, which depended mainly on personal connections, corruption, and government inefficiency.
It is testimony to Libya’s determination to make their revolution count that the elections went as smoothly as they did.
The logic of nonviolent action should be strategic and sound tactics should be used to challenge the power of Assad.
Moroccans haven’t understood some of the slogans they cheered on during their pro-change demonstrations.
Lebanon’s infrastructure has been damaged by repeated conflict, with the country even now still reeling from the destruction of civilian infrastructure (including power and water plants and transport infrastructure) by Israel in the 2006 war.
Despite the sale of televised England home-matches from the BBC to commercial broadcasting, cricket remains central to collective imaginings of 'Englishness'. Recent attempts to situate the sport within the history of empire reveal much about the BBC's continuing ties to the ideology of state-led
The politics of the market has given us individual freedoms, but inhibited any potent form of collectivity. We cannot return to the regulated social life that enabled a 'Fordist' democracy to function. So what now? Neoliberals are terrified of the emerging potential for a dynamic pluralist and dem
The accounts, symbols and feelings that we have about national identity were largely imagined, created and popularized in the nineteenth century. The word ‘nationalism’ itself dates from the early nineteenth century and marked the increasing use of national identity in order to make political clai
