Perhaps the six anonymous members of Pussy Riot were right. In a farewell letter of February 2014 to their fellow band members, Nadia Tolokonnikova and Masha Alyokhina, they stated: “Institutionalized advocacy can hardly afford a critique of fundamental norms and rules that underlie modern patriarchal society. Being an institutional part of society, such advocacy cannot go beyond the rules set forth by this society…”. Nadia and Masha had just been released from a Russian prison. Seen as martyrs of Putin’s authoritarianism, they have been welcomed at international press conferences and pop concerts alongside other celebrities, and now advocate for prisoners’ rights. But according to the six, Pussy Riot’s radical anti-capitalist and feminist project—and provocative actions—could and should not be associated with the image of institutionalized human rights organizations.
Of course, it’s questionable whether the anarchic punk performances of Pussy Riot are more effective than conventional methods of international human rights organizations (IHROs), but there might be some truth in their statement. Traditionally, the human rights movement has emphasized its impartiality vis-à-vis the political, economic, ideological or religious nature of duty-bearers, or the economic or political system they support. This reputation of impartiality has proven valuable for IHROs to enhance the credibility of their research and campaigns, to appeal to supporters and members, and to gain access to power-holders of all political persuasions. This in turn has helped to protect the safety of the researchers in the field who can deflect allegations of bias, and thereby the victims and activists for and with whom IHROs work. Although from time to time their impartiality and independence has been questioned, and IHROs have been criticized for not condemning ideologies like apartheid, Islamic fundamentalism or neoliberalism, these two values continue to shape their policies and practices.
At the same time, this impartiality may limit IHROs’ ability to criticize deeper causes of human rights violations. Tackling the root causes of poverty and inequality requires profound policy reform, meaning that a political, potentially partisan, stance on particular economic arrangements may be required. Merely stating that certain policies like privatization are inconsistent with human rights obligations does not confront the neoliberal ideologies of those who make and benefit from them, nor does it offer viable policy alternatives. Moreover, in their legalized form, human rights are modest in their goals, seeking to ensure minimum essential levels of protection for the most marginalized—they do not really seek a fundamental redistribution of wealth, resources and power. Samuel Moyn therefore calls human rights “a powerless companion in the age of neoliberalism". Although he rejects the claim that human rights are complicit per se in the success of neoliberalism, Moyn questions their effectiveness to deliver substantive socio-economic equality. Perhaps Moyn is right too.
