May doesn’t believe in Brexit at all, but behaves as though she does, indeed as though it has been her burning ambition since she entered the House of Commons.
The AfD wants to use Israel to exploit the false notion that whoever is pro-Israel could not be antisemitic, and to find strategic allies in its fight against Muslim immigration.
The approval and performance of politically-motivated violence has been a core element of fascist or antisemitic activism for a century.
Some have spoken out against a rapprochement between the AfD and PEGIDA. The AfD leader in Saxony insists: 'The AfD is the political arm of all non-violent, liberal-democratic citizen movements.'
The Chemnitz case shows a Saxon city where the radical right has tried to establish itself for years, with some very concrete fantasies about a violent ‘overthrow’.
We might see parallels between Rostock ’92 and Chemnitz ’18, but the impact and the political context today are fundamentally different – though not at all less dangerous.
What kind of campaigning could outweigh the increasing power of implicit and explicit alliances by far-right actors and certain anti-Muslim German feminists?
Chemnitz shows how collaboration across three rightwing sectors is a recipe for disaster, as the extreme right understands very well.
If these rebels hadn’t somehow found the courage to strike out in bold, new and, frankly, dangerous directions, we would all be the poorer for it.
The CSU's position is weak – but unfortunately, not weak enough to not bring down Angela Merkel.
The hollowing out of this constitutional firewall represents a weakening of a legal structure born directly out of the German experience of state fascism.
“I wanted a Germany that was hegemonic and efficient, not authoritarian and caught up in a European Ponzi scheme. That was in 2013.” Excerpt from the Munich Seminar.
