In the absence of a binding international convention, legislation designed to increase the transparency of supply chains has, alongside journalistic exposés, made significant progress in raising the profile of labour exploitation and putting it on both the political map and the boardroom table. The U.K’s Modern Slavery Act and the California Transparency Act, though essentially ‘light touch’ laws requiring the optional cooperation of businesses, have nonetheless helped move the discussion forward. Most importantly, they have introduced the idea that modern-day slavery and forced labour constitute serious risks in global supply chains. Certainly these risks are growing – just from criminal and civil prosecutions, but also from consumer pressure as labour abuses become more broadly publicised.
Yet, as promising as developments compelling business self-disclosure and transparency may appear, modern slavery cannot be stamped out through corporate self-regulation alone. Transparency statements under the British and California legislation have been mixed in quality, with too many falling woefully short. Consequentially, governments are faced with the challenge of doing more to hold businesses accountable – potentially by developing transparency laws so that they encompass mandatory action. Transparency legislation is a step in the right direction, but remains far from being the end goal.
It is here, I would argue, that binding legislation and corporate self-regulation need not be seen as mutually exclusive alternatives. Rather, they can be mutually reinforcing in producing immediate and lasting effects that take into account the prevailing political and governance realities, while simultaneously bolstering the protection of the rights of the world’s most exploited workers. In addition, they are not the only tools to effect corporate change: strategic litigation, investigative journalism, frontline prevention efforts, and consumer mobilisation can all play a significant role in pushing slavery to complete extinction.
Building upon existing legislation may currently offer the best hope for change, at least in the short term, but we should not abandon the long-term goal of developing global binding legislation. The reality is that slavery in supply chains and non-compliance with voluntary standards such as the United Nations Guiding Principles of Business and Human Rights remains the norm. A binding international standard on supply chain due diligence could therefore significantly help in closing the enormous accountability gap. Many human rights conventions have begun as aspirational, but with time, international standards and norms have the power to erode government abuses and their resistance to change. In the meantime, the anti-slavery movement has many other weapons in its arsenal.
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