Why America Latina

Why Latin America? Because ‘where there’s necessity, there’s innovation’: Latin America is facing so many challenges, that it is at the same time a cockpit and a laboratory of political innovation. Español. Português.

Beatriz Pedreira
3 July 2017

Pixabay. Public domain.

It cannot be denied that in a large part of the democratic world there is currently much disbelief in politics, and recent events have challenged the notion that politics is capable of changing people’s lives for the better.

On the one hand, a discourse of fear is pointing to the need to protect voters and citizens from all that is ‘different’, guaranteeing individual privileges on the basis of the polarization narrative according to which it all comes down to ‘us against them’. Political elites are proving incapable of understanding the new demands of society and establishing a dialogue with citizens, thus leaving a void which adventurers and populists are only too eager to fill. These populist figures are usually unprepared to deal with the complexity of public affairs and to come up with plausible alternatives for the management of the public good.

On the other hand, corruption scandals are revealing that the old way of doing politics – that is, favouring groups in exchange for high payments - strengthens the voters’ view that the system is a farce, run by a few for the few. This pessimistic perspective leads easily to despair and hopelessness.

The good news is that the situation is not as bad as it seems. While mainstream politics is going through a severe crisis and shows signs of collapse, on the margins of the old system there emerges a new way of doing politics, in which citizens and government are developing a more fluid relationship and giving rise to co-building experiments. These experiments are the building blocks of the new political paradigm for the 21st century.

 Why Latin America? As innovation specialists point out, because ‘where there’s necessity, there’s innovation’.

We at Brazilian NGO Update started our activities two years ago on the hypothesis that in Latin America there is an ecosystem of emerging political practices which is pointing to new ways of doing politics. Why Latin America? As innovation specialists point out, because ‘where there’s necessity, there’s innovation’. Indeed, because Latin America faces so many challenges - it is the most unequal region in the world -, it is at the same time a cockpit and a laboratory of political innovation. It is here that new technologies have been developed, some of which have been adopted around the world - for example, the participatory budget created in Brazil, or the software for political participation and voting DemocracyOS, created in Argentina and implemented in 15 countries.

Driven by the idea that the region has a lot to learn from itself and that it can also offer new solutions and new ways of doing politics to the world, we have carried out the most comprehensive mapping exercise of political innovation in the region. We have mapped more than 700 initiatives, from governmental to more informal/activist ones, addressing topics such as transparency, participation, political culture, social control, government 2.0, and which share, all of them, the aim of bringing citizens closer to decision-making.

This is not a trivial exercise, nor is it easy to implement, for it requires a new understanding of the role of the state and, above all, of what it means to be a citizen in the 21st century. Since 2015, through our field study, we have witnessed a new state emerging, more permeable to citizens, and a new citizenship willing to be co-responsible for the successes and mistakes of the state. This means that citizens and governments are not only part of the problem, but part of the solution. But in order to get to the point where innovation is not an experiment but a reality, it is necessary to rebuild the social fabric - that is, we must learn to trust citizens’ capabilities. And this is actually quite a challenge in Latin America, considering that this is the world region where reciprocal trust between citizens and institutions is the lowest. So, how can we build trust in societies that distrust the state so much? The answer is: through dialogue. 

What we are talking about is a type of politics that is more humane, more accountable, more transparent, tolerant, organic, empathetic, open to recognise its own mistakes and to experimentation, and focused on the public good.

There are numerous examples of this happening already in Latin America, through digital tools that help governments to be more transparent (for example, Borde Político/Mexico and DataUy/Uruguay) and that help citizens to take part in public policy decisions (Ciudadano Inteligente/Chile and Wingu/Argentina); citizen advocacy groups that pressure parliamentarians and public managers to meet civil society’s agenda (Nossas Cidades/Brazil and Fundación Equales/Chile); electoral experiments based on creativity and a narrative of trust that helps to overcome party oligarchies (Bancada Ativista/Brasil and Wikipolitica México); new political parties that incorporate radical democracy in their internal processes (Revolución Democratica/Chile and Partido de la Red/Argentina), and public innovation labs that incorporate citizens to the co-creation of public policies and the re-building of the role of the state (Laboratorio de Gobierno/Chile and RutaN/Colombia). These are just some examples, out of a variety of formats and initiatives that seek to build a new way of exercising democracy in Latin America. But political transformation will not come from a single place, or only from the state or from civil society, but from both together as in a dance, where each partner knows that they have different steps to make, but to the same beat. Civil society signals where it wants to go, but it is governments and the state that have the capacity to institutionalise the demands and translate them into public policies and laws. 

What we are talking about is a type of politics that is more humane, more accountable, more transparent, tolerant, organic, empathetic, open to recognise its own mistakes and to experimentation, and focused on the public good. It is important not to forget that we are in a critical moment, however powerful and full or opportunities. We have the opportunity to use all the indignation that is latent in society to create new relationships and new social pacts. We can find ways to contribute to that vision, to prevent the empty space from being filled by those who seek individual benefits and indignation from reaching a point where it leads to social isolation and cynicism or, in the worst cases, violence.

We at Update are optimistic. We seek to promote the ecosystem of political innovation in the region with the aim of strengthening and updating democracy in Latin America. We are one, among many, who are seeking to build this counter-narrative, and we do this by revealing the many people - in our country and abroad - who are creating and experimenting new ways of doing politics. Our aim is to show new examples and references, especially for those who no longer have any hope, or are about to lose it. Not all is lost, but we must be careful not to use the wrong perspective. I invite the reader to have look at what Update is disclosing. And be warned: you will fall back in love with politics.

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The Black Lives Matter movement has renewed demands from activists in the US and around the world seeking compensation for the legacies of slavery and colonialism. But what would a reparative economic agenda practically entail and what models exist around the world?

Join us for this free live discussion at 5pm UK time (12pm EDT), Thursday 17 June.

Hear from:

  • Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor: Author of Race for Profit: How Banks and the Real Estate Industry Undermined Black Homeownership
  • Esther Stanford-Xosei: Jurisconsult, Pan-Afrikan Reparations Coalition in Europe (PARCOE).
  • Ronnie Galvin: Managing Director for Community Investment, Greater Washington Community Foundation and Senior Fellow, The Democracy Collaborative.
  • Chair, Aaron White: North American economics editor, openDemocracy
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