Pannier told openDemocracy that “suspicion and dislike of public officials are prevalent in Uzbekistan.”
He added: “People don’t really have any say in how officials come to power, they can’t really influence their behaviour, so when officials get toppled, the general feeling is: good, they deserved it.”
Two of Umurzakov’s former employees in the foreign affairs and trade ministries, who spoke to openDemocracy on condition of anonymity, commented that threats of criminal investigations fit into Umurzakov’s management style – and that he was an “ambitious grey cardinal”.
The two sources claimed he would hold meetings at the ministries that lasted for hours, while pressurising and humiliating civil servants, including verbally abusing them.
The presidential administration told openDemocracy that Umurzakov had “not used coercive or brutish tactics of persuasion during his career” and that “these statements do not correspond to reality”.
“Mr Umurzakov is regarded as a highly cultured individual and exceptional public worker,” the administration said.
Arrested on the spot
Umurzakov’s attempt to enforce accountability was in stark evidence in December, when abnormally cold temperatures and supply problems were leading to energy outages and heating-gas shortages for homes and companies across the country, including in Tashkent.
These shortages come after decades of neglect, with little investment in Uzbekistan’s Soviet-era energy networks. At times of heightened use, especially during the freezing winter months, energy provision could often depend on connections with the local authorities. The presidential administration told openDemocracy that 192 instances of malfeasance had been reported in the country’s energy management systems “in the past few months alone”.
Pannier said: “This is the third year in a row when Uzbekistan has had major problems with the distribution of electricity and gas during one of the coldest times of year.
“The crisis is doing damage not only to people at the heart of the country, but also the reputation of President Mirziyoyev – who’s been promising them a new, great Uzbekistan.”
On 11 December, Umurzakov held a meeting about the country’s gas supply problems with representatives of ministries and local government offices, as well as Uzbekistan’s deputy general prosecutor, Erkin Yuldashev.
According to the two sources with knowledge of the meeting who spoke to openDemocracy, Umurzakov requested that Yuldashev give a report on criminal investigations into the energy supply situation.
The sources claimed that Yuldashev said the deputy head of the Tashkent branch of Khududgaztaminot, the state gas company, was under investigation. Umurzakov then reportedly asked about the head of the Tashkent branch, Muzaffar Aliyev – who was present at the meeting.
Learning that the top manager was not being investigated, Umurzakov ordered that Aliyev be immediately handcuffed and arrested, according to the two sources.
Later that day, the general prosecutor’s office released a statement on the arrests of energy officials, including a photo of Aliyev in handcuffs – which went viral on social media. Aliyev was charged with abuse of power. According to a source with knowledge of the matter, during the meeting Umurzakov expressly demanded that photos of Aliyev in handcuffs be distributed to the media.
For a pre-investigation arrest to happen, Uzbek law requires a pre-investigation inspection, investigation or an arrest order from a court.
openDemocracy could not independently confirm whether this procedure was followed in the case of Aliyev.
The presidential administration refuted the sources’ version of events, and said that Umurzakov had neither “directly or indirectly ordered” the arrest of Aliyev.
It stated that the General Prosecutor’s Office “presented information regarding the arrest” of Aliyev during the meeting.
“Compliance with the procedure for arrest authorisation falls under the jurisdiction of the competent law enforcement and judicial agencies,” the administration said, noting that a court order had removed Aliyev from office.
Likewise, the administration stated that Umurzakov was “still attending” the meeting in question when the photograph of Aliyev’s arrest was published online, and did not order the photograph to be released.
On 18 January, Uzbek media reported that Aliyev had been granted bail.
New regional role
Two months ago, in another move that suggests Umurzakov’s ambition, the presidential administration introduced a new position within the country’s dozen regional administrations: assistant to the head of the presidential administration.
These new assistants are embedded in public reception offices, which are designed to solve citizens’ problems. The assistants have been given the authority to pass official complaints by citizens against local officials on to the courts, which can hold officials accountable for administrative violations. Regional administrations tend to have a poor reputation for solving citizens’ problems.
Pannier tied Umurzakov’s role to the president’s planned constitutional changes. “Mirziyoyev does not need things happening in the country that hurt his personal image right now,” he said.
“When there were problems in the regions, Mirziyoyev would travel there, as Karimov’s enforcer, and threaten people with severe repercussions if they didn’t get in line,” said Pannier. “Umurzakov might be the new Mirziyoyev.”
Temur Umarov told openDemocracy he believed that “there is a huge level of trust between Mirziyoyev and Umurzakov”, and that the ‘enforcer’ parallels between Umurzakov’s role today and Mirziyoyev under Karimov are “convincing”.
The presidential administration said that “numerous previous and current colleagues of Mr Umurzakov can attest to the fact that, as a seasoned and experienced manager, he encourages principled negotiations that might be sometimes tough on the merits but always gentle on the participants”.
Thomas Rowley contributed reporting for this article
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