It is rare for the award of the Nobel prize in literature to cause
such intense controversy in the home country of its recipient. When on
11 October 2012, the Swedish Academy announced that the Chinese writer
Mo Yan was this year’s winner, the Chinese government and the official media ecstatically celebrated the news,
while many Chinese citizens felt a deep sadness. The latter include
many Chinese writers, journalists, and artists who have been persecuted
for advocating freedom and democracy, and numerous lawyers and activists
imprisoned and tortured for defending human rights. For them, this was the most shameful day in the history of the Nobel award.
Why
are these Chinese feeling so much sadness, anger, and even despair? It
is because they truly believed that the Nobel prize in literature
embodied a lofty aspiration. They looked up to the prize as a
standard-bearer of freedom and dignity, and as a beacon of
inspiration for the oppressed, shining a light of humanity and beauty in
the form of literature. These are the kinds of people who, as the
Japanese writer Haruki Murakami puts it, "Between a high, solid wall and
an egg that breaks against it, … will always stand on the side of the
egg." They are intellectuals who love their country. For the sake of
China’s future, they are willing to endure tremendous suffering.
Together, their actions will shape a heroic story of resistance against
tyranny.
These people can’t understand why such a prize would be given to Mo Yan,
an author whose ideas they consider shallow, and whose works they find
largely mediocre. Furthermore, in political terms Mo Yan sides with the
oppressive power of the state. He belongs in the category of the state-approved. To award such an author is thus regarded as implicitly condoning China’s brutal system of dictatorship.
As
an exiled dissident living in Sweden, I cannot ignore the questions
asked by my friends in China. I feel obligated to share my observations
of the Swedish Academy and express my opinions about its conduct. Although the Nobel literature award aspired to noble
ideals in its original conception, the decisions on who should receive
the award are made by human beings. And human beings are capable of
forgetting and of betrayal. In this article I will explore the question
of how a prize that Alfred Nobel
himself had intended should recognise “an ideal direction” in
literature could lose sight of its ideal, deteriorating instead into
what might be called a “literary amusement park”, meant only to
entertain.
A forgotten will
Alfred Nobel, a great
inventor who was prone to fits of depression, stated in his will that
the prize he established with his estate was to be awarded “to those
who, during the preceding year, shall have conferred the greatest
benefit to mankind” and that one part of the prize was to be awarded to
“the person who shall have produced in the field of literature the most
outstanding work in an ideal direction.” He surely could not have
imagined that more than a century after his passing, “the Academy in
Stockholm” to which he entrusted the award would have abandoned his will
and its provisions like an old shoe.
In the past, the Swedish
Academy took very seriously the notion of “an ideal direction” and tried
to interpret its vague wording from a variety of perspectives. Over the
years there have been disagreements between members who insisted on
adhering to this notion as the criterion for awarding the literary
prize, and members who ignored it. Because Nobel himself is regarded as
having held humanistic and cosmopolitan views, many members of the
academy interpreted “an ideal direction” as expressing both a humanistic
spirit and a vision of “the literature of the whole world.” The term
has also been understood to mean “a wide-hearted humanity.” The “lofty
ideas” which Nobel himself praised in the literature that he admired,
have been apparent in the works of many authors whom the academy chose to recognise.
In
the view of Anders Österling, a former permanent secretary of the
academy (from 1941-1964), Nobel's “ideal direction” was referring to “a
work of a positive and humanistic tendency.” The humanistic spirit
stands in opposition to barbarism. A member of the academy once
pointed out the significance of the choice in 1972 to give the
literature award to the German writer Heinrich Böll. At a time “when
Böll and [Günter] Grass were both hot names… the foremost representative
of a moral renaissance from the ruins of the Third Reich was
preferred, with a direct appeal to Nobel's intentions, to the country's
foremost representative of what was an artistic renewal.” (Kjell
Espmark, in Agneta Wallin Levinovitz & Nils Ringertz, eds., The Nobel Prize: The First 100 Years
[Imperial College Press, 2001). By choosing Böll, the Swedish Academy
clearly demonstrated how seriously it took the moral value of
anti-totalitarianism.
Today, how does the academy honour Nobel’s
wish to recognise “the most outstanding work with an ideal tendency”?
Göran Malmqvist, a current member of the Swedish Academy, has said that
Alfred Nobel’s criterion had long since been abandoned. On 15 January
2001, Cao Changqing,
a Chinese journalist living in the United States, asked Malmqvist about
how the notion of “ideal direction” had been applied to the choice of Gao Xingjian,
winner of the 2000 Nobel prize in literature. Malmqvist replied: “Now
the Swedish Academy no longer pays much attention to this criterion.” As
part of an ongoing discussion of this issue, Malmqvist also wrote, in a
response to Fu Zhengming,
a Chinese scholar living in Sweden: “What Fu Zhengming failed to notice
is that the Swedish Academy has ignored the concept of ‘an ideal
direction’ since the 1940s.” (This response was published in the China Times, a Taiwanese newspaper.)
Yet
there have always been academy members who paid heed to Nobel’s will;
not all members have "ignored the concept of ‘an ideal direction'". In
any event, the executor of a will in western countries is obligated by
law to ensure that its provisions are carried out. The Swedish Academy
accepted the task of selecting the recipients of the Nobel prize in
literature, and it has the obligation faithfully to carry out Nobel’s
intentions. Malmqvist’s statements suggest that the academy is ignoring
Nobel’s original intent and replacing it with arbitrary criteria of its own.
This
amounts to a betrayal and a violation, including of Nobel’s
anti-authoritarian sentiment. Some studies indicate that his notion of
"an ideal direction" encompasses a spirit that opposes totalitarian
systems. Kenne Fant, the author of Alfred Nobel: A Biography,
believes that Nobel anticipated the rise of dictatorial systems. He
quotes Nobel’s own words: “A new reign of terror, arising from deep
within society, is working its way out of the darkness, and one can
almost already hear its hollow grumble from far away."
It was
precisely because of his concerns over the rise of totalitarianism that
Alfred Nobel stipulated that the Nobel prize in all categories should be
granted to people who “shall have conferred the greatest benefit to
mankind.” As a tireless social critic, Nobel hoped that his prize would
boost people’s courage to resist totalitarianism. In an age in which
tens of millions of people have died under totalitarian systems, what
could confer a greater benefit to mankind than the effort to resist
totalitarianism?
Per Wästberg, chairman of the Nobel committee at the Swedish Academy, is reported - in an interview with the Global Times,
a publication controlled by the Chinese Communist Party - as saying:
"There is never any political intention in our decisions. … All choices
are based on literary quality, and nothing else." Malmqvist echoes this
view: "Mo Yan’s winning the Nobel prize has nothing to do with politics,
personal friendships, or luck. The only criterion was the quality of
his writing.” By denying any political intentions, the academy also
denies Nobel’s original intent and reneged on the criterion of
"confer[ring] the greatest benefit to mankind."
By awarding
the prize to Mo Yan, it is apparent that the Swedish Academy has
completely lost sight of its values. The academy members are interested
only in form and contrivances, in the latest novelty. Criticism levelled
at the academy in 1903 by one of Sweden’s greatest authors, Johan
August Strindberg, also pertains to the current reality: "Form and
decoration to the Swedish Academy have become the art of poetry itself;
the secondary has been made the primary, the form controls the content,
and therefore the Academy patronises the trivial, the petty, the
decorative, the insignificant. As a judicial authority it represents the
biased, the cowardly, often the vile, and most recently the
conscienceless."
A clouded window
Without the
criterion of Nobel’s humanistic “ideal direction”, the Nobel prize in
literature ceases to be the Nobel prize in literature. By granting this
award to Mo Yan, the Swedish Academy has displayed an attitude of
historical nihilism towards its own culture. The award is a negation of
the essence of the award. True, the literary value of Mo Yan’s work can be debated, but however you evaluate it, his work clearly does not live up to the ideal of Nobel.
When
an award loses its noble soul, what is left other than the monetary
value? This lamentable situation has come about because the academy’s
members lack knowledge and judgment. Their poor level of understanding
of Chinese literature, and their inability to adequately evaluate it,
have led them to misread Mo Yan’s work.
Mo Yan
is a writer who lacks humanistic ideas - in fact, he himself claimed
that writers do not need to have their own ideas. The German sinologist Wolfgang Kubin
says of Mo Yan’s novels: “He writes sensational works. His style dates
back to the late 18th century… They tell the same old stories about men
and women, sex, crime etc.” (Interview in Deutsche Welle).
I
find Mo Yan’s writing to be coarse and repetitive, and difficult to
follow. He writes about the intrigues between men and women, and about
sex and violence, in an extremely exaggerated way. He presents
the most base and animal-like impulses of human beings. This kind of
sensationalistic literature that glorifies violence has been praised by
the Swedish Academy as “hallucinatory realism [that] merges folk tales,
history and the contemporary.”
The Sandalwood Torture, set
during the Boxer rebellion of 1900, is cited by the academy as one of
Mo Yan’s three most important works. In 2002, I wrote an essay entitled,
“An Extravagant Exhibition of Cruelty” and criticised Mo Yan for
singing the praises of the Boxers’ narrow nationalism. He wallows in the
details of horrific tortures and stokes the crueller aspects of human
nature. In 2007, the famous Chinese literary critic Li Jianjun,
referring to a metaphor by Russian critic Vissarion Belinsky, likened The Sandalwood Torture
to a beetle - something insubstantial but colourful and ornate, easily
mistaken for treasure. Li noted that "Mo Yan’s description of violence
always lacked any spiritual insight or deeper meaning."
Mo Yan’s Life and Death Are Wearing Me Out
is praised by the academy as an exemplary work of "hallucinatory
realism", written with great humour. A careful study of this novel
reveals its true meaning - that it is futile for the common people, when
they have been mistreated by the state, to take action against state
power. Rather, it is better for them to just be docile. The idea of
karma in the novel is used to discourage people’s urge to resist
oppression, and serves instead to promote "harmony" within the existing
system. In an interview about Life and Death Are Wearing Me Out, Mo Yan made the revealing statement: "The most important condition for reconciliation and harmony is to forget."
The Garlic Ballads
is a work recommended by Peter Englund, permanent secretary of the
Swedish Academy, as a good starting-point for new readers of Mo Yan's
work. His evaluation of this novel is that Mo Yan is criticising the
system from within. But in my view, Mo Yan only questions certain flaws
in the system, such as bureaucratic attitudes or corruption at the lower
levels of government, while never actually opposing the system itself.
For example, there is a young military officer in The Garlic Ballads
whose father, a peasant, is arrested for participating in a protest
against corrupt officials. But when this young man defends his father,
he still maintains that the Communist Party is great and correct, and
speaks of incidents of corruption as isolated and rare. It is obvious
that Mo Yan is a defender of the system of which he is a part.
China has many writers who courageously criticise the system but have been persecuted or forced into exile; yet, according
to academy member Göran Malmqvist, Mo Yan “dares to criticise social
injustice, and others don’t dare.” Malmqvist, a scholar of China who
knows the language well, disregards China’s reality and elevates Mo Yan, a very calculating and sly individual, to a courageous hero of resistance.
In Chinese literary criticism, the term wen yan
(“eye of the literary text”) refers to the window through which the
central idea of the written piece can be seen. The Scandinavian members
of the academy cannot see through this window because for them it is
shaded by many layers of cultural curtains. They have difficulty
understanding the real meaning of Mo Yan’s work. These judges from
Stockholm are prone to seek exotic wonders; they lack the ability to
understand the ideological leanings of Chinese writings, and
therefore use their own shallow perceptions and project their own ideas
in interpreting these writings. Subjectively, and without regard for
principles, they have raised Mo Yan to a level of greatness that he does
not deserve.
The academy says that Mo Yan’s work reminds them of the American author William Faulkner.
But when Faulkner received the Nobel prize in 1949, the academy said
about his work: "Briefly, Faulkner's dilemma might be expressed thus: he
mourns for and, as a writer, exaggerates a way of life which he
himself, with his sense of justice and humanity, would never be able to
stomach." (Presentation speech by Gustaf Hellström, member of the Swedish Academy, 10 December 1950).
In
this case, a sense of justice and humanity was the reason why the award
was given to Faulkner. Now, however, they have abandoned the values of
their predecessors and single-mindedly praise only Mo Yan’s
“storytelling abilities” (in Malmqvist‘s words). They lump together all
of Mo Yan’s pointless descriptions of violence and incest, his
preoccupation with trivia and absurdities, his vulgar stories
about big breasts and wide hips, and simply call it “hallucinatory
realism.” In so doing, they have made a travesty of the Nobel prize in
literature, which originally embodied the value of dignity, and have
turned it into what one might call a “literary amusement park”, meant
only to entertain.
A missing nerve
Mo Yan, who holds an official position in China, has never separated literature from politics. His writings display
elements that are counter to the humanistic spirit. These elements
include his support for centralised government control, his petty
nationalistic sentiments, his glorification of violence, and his idea
that people should be resigned to their fate. None of these elements is
devoid of politics. It is not difficult to see that in China, a country
ruled by dictatorship, literature and politics are inevitably entwined.
Yet the Swedish Academy insists that its selection of Mo Yan has nothing
to do with politics.
Its attitude is related to a long-standing
tendency of the academy to downplay the moral value of the prize and
elevate the importance of "experimental art." Kjell Espmark stated that
by the end of the 20th century, the academy had moved away from focusing
on "moral values at the expense of experimental art", and that the
prize for literature had become a true literary award.
Such an
attitude constrains the art of literature, and is contrary to the spirit
of Nobel. As an art of words, literature’s basic characteristic is
indeed aesthetic. But the quest for artificial and decorative beauty and
a single-minded pursuit of “experiment” will lead to the trap of
aestheticism and art for art’s sake. Truly great literature cannot be
defined as simply experimental art; it still needs a soul. It should
inspire people to seek truth and strive for their ideals. Horace
Engdahl, former secretary of the academy, was a fervent proponent of
experimental art. For this, he was criticised by another member as
having "destroyed the moral nerve of our country."
But even if judged only by the standard of experimental art, Mo Yan falls short
of the mark. He simply imitates Latin American magic realism and lacks
any originality. None of his writings reach any kind of greatness. A
skilful craftsman, he is a best-selling novelist hyped up by the Chinese
media. He is a magician who uses extravagant and verbose prose to play
tricks. He takes as his ingredients the tragedies of the Chinese people,
the intense sufferings of the farmers, and the moral degeneration of
society, and combines them into a grand mish-mash. He presents a feast
of the absurd, the exotic, the lewd, and the morbid, for the
entertainment of readers who have the leisure time to digest it all. Mo Yan’s consumerist literature suits the appetite of the Nobel prize committee. Per Wästberg told the Global Times, “Big Breasts and Wide Hips
is especially fascinating, different from anything I’ve read in the
past.” Having abandoned Nobel’s humanistic spirit, can the academy
members offer any profound insight into literature besides being dazzled
by erotic descriptions of big breasts and wide hips?
Perhaps
their taste can be attributed to the fact that the academy members are
suffering from a sickness of "urban civilisation." Perhaps they are
bored by the blandness, the civility and the rationality that
characterise life in western democratic societies, and they seek a
bizarre, exotic otherness. Therefore they need someone like Mo Yan who
can write about the rustic, and about flesh and gore, to spice up their
lives and to satisfy their cravings.
An ominous signal
It
is clear that this ill-advised choice for the Nobel prize has both
exposed the Swedish Academy’s appetite for exoticism and its superficial
literary taste, and put the spotlight on the reality of China’s
relationship with the west. Because China, with its dictatorial
government, has seen such a great burst of economic development, some
western cultural elites have given up on advocating for social justice;
they no longer condemn oppressive power, or the violation of human
rights. These people, who have succumbed to China’s “red influence”,
insist on playing down politics, but in fact they are complicit in the
abuse of power by not taking a stand against such abuse. What they are
really interested in is the extraordinary opportunity China now provides
for great fame and fortune.
The Swedish Academy has travelled
far on their road of betraying Nobel. Its members ignore the suffering
of the Chinese people under the dictatorship of the Chinese government,
and now recognise someone who is a member of the largest authoritarian
organisation in the world. Not only is Mo Yan a Chinese Communist Party
member, he is also the vice-chairman of the government-run writers'
association. After the massacre of 4 June 1989, he still sided with the government, and he glorified Mao Zedong’s Yan’an Talks on Art and Literature,
in which Mao rejects the notion of freedom of expression. In 2009, when
dissident Chinese writers appeared at an event during the Frankfurt
book fair, Mo Yan led the official Chinese delegation of writers in
walking out of the hall in protest. In 2010, during an interview with Time magazine, he gave a very evasive defence of the Chinese government’s censorship system.
By giving the prize
to Mo Yan, the Swedish Academy has sent an ominous signal to the world.
That is, the academy no longer cares that China has a system that
violates human rights, and it has no sympathy for the Chinese people who
are abused by this system. The members insist that they gave no
consideration to politics in their choice of the award, as if they are
unaware that in a country with a dictatorship, the reality is that
“literature is politics.” The result of their action is truly ironic. A
decision that they claim has nothing to do with politics has now been
wielded as a political tool by the Chinese Communist Party, used as
propaganda to promote “the rise of China.”
When Iran’s Ayatollah Khomeini called in 1989 for the death of the writer Salman Rushdie over his novel The Satanic Verses,
three members of the Swedish Academy accused the academy of failing to
support Rushdie. In 2005, Knut Ahnlund, a member of the academy and one
of Sweden's most famous essayists and literary historians, also left in
protest over another controversy. Ahnlund, who died
on 28 November 2012 at the age of 89, once called the academy “a
disgrace to our nation.” Now that the prize has been awarded to Mo Yan,
the departure of these four members who truly believed in Nobel’s ideal
makes the current situation all the more painful.
The Swedish Academy welcomed their choice of Nobel laureate at the ceremony
on 10 December 2012. But in the eyes of many Chinese, the Nobel prize
has now been devalued: it no longer has any authority. But it is not
only the moral ideal of Nobel that has suffered a defeat; the choice of
Mo Yan will result in the further suppression and marginalisation of
those writers in China who insist on the freedom of expression and who refuse to ingratiate themselves to state power.
But
my faith is not shaken. The conviction that the writer's conscience and
high moral character should be embodied in literature goes back
thousands of years in China. I believe that Chinese writers who feel an
obligation to uphold
justice will no longer see the Swedish Academy as the same “sacred
place” that was once worthy of their admiration from afar. In this cold
and corrupt world, those writers who possess moral courage will continue
to seek the literary ideals that correspond to the spirit of Nobel, and
to create a literature that offers hope for the future of mankind.
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