Thus, we have since taken the project down the violent road, in which miscegenation is replaced by the criminalization of populations, creating institutional justification for indiscriminate murder.
Ágatha, when she is struck by a bullet in the back inside a van while returning from an outing with her mother, becomes another victim of this attempt to eliminate the poor black populations of Rio de Janeiro. When President Jair Bolsonaro says that "a good bandit is a dead bandit," we all know what he means by "bandit".
Returning to the definition of genocide, one of the criteria includes inflicting a lifestyle that puts the group’s survival at risk. Is this not covered by our historical institutionalized discrimination of black people, which perpetuates the cycle of poverty? The favelas are the result of the country’s exorbitant social inequality, an issue the government doesn’t seem worried about in the slightest.
We force blacks into poverty and then blame them for drug trafficking. This is the result of a historical criminalization policy, which is nothing more than a justification for systematic murder. At this year's Ocupa Política event in Recife, a participant in a dialogue round titled, "Anti-prohibitionism as a strategy to protect black lives," rhetorically asked the group if racial cleansing had really ended in Brazil.
The answer is no. We, Brazilians know this. It is no accident that Ágatha's death has revived discussions about the anti-crime legislation that Justice Minister Sergio Moro has been fighting to pass. The package sought to include legal protection for police and armed officers who kill civilians in the fight against crime, which would have been the case in Agatha's death.
Last Wednesday, September 25, a working group of the House of Representatives revoked the so-called exclusion of illegality proposed in Moro’s anti-crime legislation. But even in the shadow of the Ágatha tragedy, Moro continued to defend his project.
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